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ALDERMAN LIBRARY UNIVERSITY OF VIRGINIA CHARLOTTESVILLE, VIRGINIA
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PAPERS AND RECORDS.
VOL. IX.
TORONTO:
PUBUSHED BY THE SOCIETY, KRAUS REPRINT CO.
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Reprinted with permission of The Ontario Historical Society
KRAUS REPRINT CO. A U.S. Division of Kraus-Thomsoo Organization Limited
Printed in U.S.A.
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CONTENTS.
Paob L Fort Maiden or Amhentborg. By Fkamcis Cleaxt .... 5
II. Thamesville and the Battle of the Thames. By Kathuhik B. Goom. - 80
IIL The Highland Pioneers of the Coonty of Middlesex. .... 25
IV. Centenary of the Death of Brant By HBBBnr F. QAaDuraa, M. A. - SS
v. The Pioneers of Middlesex. 66
VL The Beginning of London. By Cou T. Campbbll, M.D. • ... 61
Vn. An Einsbde of the War of 1812. The Story of the Schooner ** Nancy " - 76
VEIL Begister of Baptisms, Marriages and Deaths at St Thomas, U.C., com- mencing with the Establishment of the Mission in July, 1824 • • 127
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I.
FOBT MALDEN OB AMHEBSTBURG.
By Francib Clbabt.
Bead At the Annaal Meeting of the 0. H. S., At London, Ont, Sept 11th, 1906.
At last Canadians are awakening to the importance and necessity of making an e£Fort to preserve and restore the historical battlefields and other landmarks of this country. This is seen in the great interest taken in the recent proposal of His Excellency Earl Grey for the conversion into a park, and the restoration of the battlefields of the Plains of Abraham and of St Foye at Quebec.
It is an opportune time to draw the attention of the Government and of others in the immediate localities to do something to reclaim and preserve the old forts and historical landmarks of lesser note in other parts of our country. These are rapidly passing away and their preser- vation would do much "to strengthen the tie that binds" and make those of the present day feel proud of their ancestors, and to respect and honor the men who in 1812 and again in 1838-1839 helped to defend this country and handed down to us the glorious heritage which we now possess.
In the early history of Upper Canada this western peninsula, the County of Essex, came into notice on account of the stirring events which took place on its border, second only to those which took place in the Niagara frontier.
Fort Amherstburg, or Fort Maiden, as the name under which it became better known, deserves the attention of the Government and of those interested in the reclamation of historical landmarks.
For the following account of this Fort I am indebted to extracts taken from *' Early Amherstburg," published in January, 1902, by Mr. C. C. James, Deputy Minister of Agriculture for Ontario, and ''Port Maiden," by Bev. Thomas Nattress, B.A., of Amherstburg, published two years later. Mr. James says he found that Fort Maiden did not exist in the early days, but that Fort Amherstburg did. I found that three different forts had been constructed, or partly constructed, at Amherstburg at different times, and that the first was oflBcially known
5
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as Fort Amherstburg ; the second was known both as Fort Amherstburg and as Fort Maiden, and that the third, constructed subsequent to 1837, bore the name of Fort Maiden.
The war of American Independence was brought to a close in 1783; Oswego, Niagara and Detroit remained as British Posts until their evacuation in 1796, Detroit being transferred in July of that year.
The late Judge Woods of Chatham, in referring to this event in '* Harrison Hall and its Associations," says this may be called the ** Exo- dus Act," as it provided for the departure of British authority from Detroit to Sandwich, .... and that from the passing of the said Act (3rd June, 1796) the Court of General Quarter Sessions of the Peace for the Western District shall be held in the Parish of Assump- tion (afterwards called Sandwich) in such place as may be now found most convenient to the Magistrates of said District, on the second Tues- day in the months of July, October, January and April, until such time as it shall seem expedient to the Justices or a majority of them to remove and hold the same nearer to the island called the Isle of Bois Blanc, being near the entrance of the Detroit River.
The last Court of Quarter Sessions held in Detroit was in January, 1796, and the removal took place to Sandwich that summer.
After this date no doubt many of those stationed at Detroit, officers and men, removed to Sandwich and Amherstburg.
On June 7th, 1784, the Huron and Ottawa Indians who claimed ownership or proprietary rights in the country ^surrounding Detroit, gave by treaty a tract of land seven miles square at the mouth of the Detroit River to the following British Officers or iSghters who had been associated with them in the recent war: — Alexander McKee, William Caldwell, Charles McCormack, Robin Eurphleet, Anthony St. Martin, Matthew Elliott, Henry Bird, Thomas McKee and Simon Girty. Henry Bird was given the northern section. This would be in the northern part of the Township of Maiden, and would contain what is now the northern part of Amherstburg.
In 1784 the settlement of Maiden Township first began. In July of that year Lieutenant-Governor Hay of Detroit wrote to Qovemor Haldimand as follows: — ^*' Several have built and improved lands who have no other pretensions, than the Indians' consent to possession. Cap- tains Bird and Caldwell are of the number, at a place they have called 'Fredericksburg.' "
On August 14th, 1784, Governor Haldimand wrote to Lieutenant- Governor Hay that Colonel Caldwell of Colonel Butler's late corps had
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applied to him for sanction to settle on the land; that he could not con- firm the grant, but that they should "carry on their improvements until the land could be laid out and granted according to the King's instruc- tions." Mr. McKee was to be directed to get the Indians to make over the land to the King, but that ''two thousand yards from the centre would be reserved on all sides for the purpose of establishing a fort."
Here, as Mr. James says, we have the first suggestion of the future Fort Amherstburg and the promise of the town.
On 28th August, 1788, Lord Dorchester, who had succeeded Ualdi- mand in the Qovemorship in 1786, wrote to Major Matthews to encour- age settlement on the east side of the River Detroit, but that no lots must be settled upon before purchase from the Crown, from the Indians, **also to report the progress made by some Loyalists in their settlement on a spot proposed for this class of men on the east side of Detroit River, and to state his ideas fully of what may be done for its further encouragement as well as for establishing a Military Post at that quarter."
In 1790 Major Matthews wrote from Plymouth Barracks, giving a summary of his investigation in 1788. He stated that he went from Que- bec to Detroit in 1787 with instructions from Lord Dorchester. He said, ''should this post," meaning Detroit, "be given up, and another taken, the most convenient place will be at the entrance of the river, upon a point at present occupied by some ofBcers and men who served the war as Rangers with the Indians. The channel for ships runs between this point and Isle Aux Bois Blanc, which should also be forti- fied, the distance from each to mid-channel about 200 yards. There is a fine settlement running 20 miles from this point on the north side to the lake. Here in 1788 is the reference to the future poet at Amherst- bui^. The settlement on the north side of Lake Erie refers to what was known as 'the two connected townships* (Colchester and Gosfield),"
The District of Hesse in the west had been set apart by proclama- tion, July 24th, 1788, and early in 1789 the Governor was authorized by Council to appoint a Land Board, and the following were appointed as the first members in 1789:— Pamham Close, Esq., Major of the 65th Regiment of Foot, or the OflBcer Commanding at Detroit; William Dum- mer Powell, Esq. ; Duperon Baby, Esq. ; Alexander McKee, Esq. ; Will- iam Robertson, Esq. ; Alexander Grant, Esq., and Ademar de St. Martin, Esq.
One of the first duties then put upon this Board was to lay out a township to be called Georgetown, but still there was delay. On Aucrust
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22nd, 1789, the Land Board reported to Lord Dorchester that Mr. McNiff, the Surveyor, had not yet arrived, and that none of the lands had yet been purchased from the Indians for the Crown, and that the Indians had some years before granted these lands to private individu- als. September 2nd, 1789, Lord Dorchester instructed the Board to receive applications from the occupants for grants, etc., and also to have Mr. McEee obtain from the Indians all the land west of Niagara for set- tlement, the cession to include all lands held by private individuals, from the Indians by private sale, and shortly after the Board reported that all the land was claimed, and asked for power to settle the claims.
May 19th, 1790, the Indians, (Ottawas, Chippewas, Pottawatomies and . . . Hurons), cede to the Crown all the land from the Chaud- iere or Catfish Creek on the east to the Detroit River on the west, and from the Thames to Chenail Eearte on the north to Lake Erie, includ- ing the grant of 1784 before referred to, but reserving a tract seven miles square north of the 1784 grant, and also a small tract at the Huron Church (Sandwich). May 3rd, 1791, Surveyor McNiff reported that two or three families live continuously on their land east of the river (Caldwell, Elliott, Lamotte, etc!), but many more resort there in the summer to raise com and beans. He recommended that the Indians be removed to some other reserve, suggests at Chenail Eearte; says all the land is settled from the Reserve north to Peach Island in Lake St. Clair.
The first Legislature of Upper Canada was called to meet at New- ark (Niagara) on September 17th, 1792, and on January 8th, 1793, the Executive Council resolved that a township to be called Maiden be laid out at the mouth of the Detroit River ; thus we see that Fredericksburg gave place to Georgetown, and this in turn to Maiden.
On 8th January, 1793, it was resolved that Colonel Alex. McEee, Captains Elliott and Caldwell, be the patentees of the above mentioned township, and the persons who have settled under the authority of the late Governor Hay. It was further resolved that the land lying between Captain Bird's lot and the Indian land be reserved for the Government.
We now come to the year 1793. In the Crown Lands Department at Toronto is to be found the original plan of the Township of Maiden. It gives the subdivision into lots, and each lot carries the name of the original grantee. It bears the name of A. Iredell, Deputy Surveyor of the Western District, and is dated, Detroit, 17th April, 1796. The lots on the river number from the north to the south, 19 in all, 19 ending at the marsh that fronted on Lake Erie.
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The following statement may be given of a few of the patents for these lots with the dates and to whom issued. —
Lots 1 & 2, David Cowan, East part 100 acres, July 2nd, 1807.
" 3 William Caldwell all 187 " April 13th. 1810.
Water Lot « « 1 « August 20th, 1810.
Lot 4 Alexander McEee all February 28th, 1797.
" 5 Matthew Elliott all 200 " February 28th, 1797.
" 9 Archange Mcintosh } 187 " NovemV^er 25th, 1803.
" 11 Simon Girty all 174 " March 6th, 1798.
" 14 Hon. James Baby all 180 " July 30th, 1799.
" 15 & 16 Thomas McKee all 326 " June 30th, 1801.
All the above names of owners of full lots are on the Iredell map of 1796 except that on the latter. Lot 1 is left vacant and Captain £ird's name appears on Lot 2. In the CX. record the lot to the north of Lot 1, taken from the Indian Reserve, is known as Lot A.
By agreement between the (Government of the United States and Great Britain, Detroit was to be evacuated in this year — whence the necessity arose of at once making provision for the troops on the east side of the river, and of having an arseAal or depot for stores — a town and fort were necessary. Lot 1 was vacant, reserved by the Crown, and to it was added Captain Bird's Lot No. 2 which was appropriated by the Crown.
The following letter now becomes important. It was written a few weeks after the troops left Detroit : —
DETRorr River, Sept. 8th, 1793.
Captain Wm. Wayne, Queen's Rangers,
Commanding on the Detroit River, opposite the Island of Bois Blanc,
To the Military Secretary, Quebec,
Suggest the gunpowder be placed on the ''Dimmore," soon expected to lay up there, pending the erection of temporary magazine. *'I have reason to fear that the merchants who have already erected buildings on the ground within the line of defence of the Post under my command will not be easily reconciled to the sentiments of the Commander-in- Chief on that subject. They have not merely built temporary sheds; some of their buildings are valuable, and have cost to the amount of many hundred pounds, authorized in these their proceedings by Colonel England, who hitherto commanded this District; at the same time they wei-e to hold the lots on limited terms.*'
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He then states that there is no vacant ground in the vicinity of the garrison. Colonel McKee, Captain Caldwell and Captain Elliott claim the lots to the south; on the north is the vacant land of the Indian Reserve, to the rear the land beyond the 1,000 yards reserved is a per- fect swamp. **I enclose for the Commander-in-Chief's inspection apian of a town laid out by Colonel Caldwell on his own land." A reproduc- tion of the plan accompanies the letter, showing a town laid out in lots, with streets at right angles with a vacant square in the centre ; this pro- jected town would be in what is now the southern part of Amherstburg.
The Bird lot has just been taken over by the Government, and a garrison established there with the intention of erecting the Port.
Thus we see that in the summer of 1796 the plans are set in motion through the Military Department for the starting of a town and post opposite Bois Blanc. On January 10th, 1797, an advertisement was put up at His Majesty's Post, calling for men with teams, oxen, carts, trucks, etc. This was to complete the work begun in 1796. Early in 1797 the creation of the Post begins in earnest. Up to February 2nd, no special name had been given. On February 9th, 1797, appears a requisition for stores for Indian presents for ''Fort Amherstburg^.'* Here for the first time the name occurs in an official document, and it no doubt came from the Military Department at Quebec.
In the Crown Lands Department at Toronto is an old plan showing what was to be included that year in the Government Reservation. It is a copy made by William Chewett from the earlier plan of Iredell. On this plan it would appear that Lot No. 3 (Caldwell's) was not required, for the first town plot of Amherstburg belongs to Lot No. 2, the original Bird lot. Lot No. 1 was left vacant in the original division of the land among the first settlers. The lot to the north of that, unnumbered, was acquired from the Indians, as it on several plans is marked a well-de- fined "Old Indian Entrenchment."
Mr. James also gives a copy of an old plan of 1828, showing the location of Amherstburg, in reference to the Military Reserve. The town appears therein occupying part of lot 2 with a line separating it (marked Richmond street and still so named) from the Military Reserve.
In the Michigan records appear letters dated from Fort Amherst- burg in June, July, and August, 1797. On page 267 appears the fol- lowing: ''Captain Forbes, of the R. Artillery, who was on duty at Fort Amherstburg, resided in one of the houses built by Captain Bird from July, 1797, to August, 1799."
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In Vol. XXV. is a sketch map of Port Amherstburg, Town of Maiden, etc., showing Indian Council House, Commissioner's House, dockyards, etc., taken from the Colonial Office Records, and the follow- ing memorandum: — ** Captain Bird's lot was repossessed by Govern- ment in 1796, since which time Port Amherstburg has been constructed, the town of Maiden built, a dockyard and other buildings, previous to the year 1796.*'
It would appear from these documents that the Port was from the first known as ''Port Amherstburg," and that by some, at least, the group of houses outside the Port, to the south, was for a time called by some. Maiden, the same name as the township; but there was no Port Maiden in those days.
In the Vol. XXV., referred to, there is a sketch given, taken from the Colonial Office Records, showing the Port as a five-sided enclosure, the northernmost angle in a direct line east of the north end of Bois Blanc, the southernmost comer about opposite the middle of the island, and the little town of Maiden extending south to the Caldwell lot, just opposite the southern limit of Bois Blanc Island.
Mr. James continues as follows : —
We pass on now to the war of 1812-1814. Barclay sailed from Amherstburg with six vessels on September 9th, 1813, and on the fol- lowing day his fleet met Captain Perry with his fleet of nine vessels. We all know the result of that naval engagement.
On September 23rd, 1813, Colonel Procter, then in command of the troops at Amherstburg, decided, contrary to the advice of Tecumseh, to abandon the Port. Under his orders the Port and public store-houses were burned by the soldiers, and shortly after the retreat began. General Harrison, with the United States troops, followed, and the disastrous battle of the Thames took place, resulting in the death of Tecumseh.
Major Richardson, the author of The War of 1812," **Wacousta," etc., who was captured at Moraviantown at the battle of the Thames, speaks of Amherstburg, never of Maiden. Lossing, the American author, in his well-known Pictorial Pield Book of the War of 1812, refers to Port Maiden, and gives the map of the Detroit River, showing Amherstburg town and Port Maiden. Lossing says: — "The army entered Amherstburg with the band playing 'Yankee Doodle.* The loyal inhabitants had fled with the army. The ruins of Port Mnldr^n, the dockyard and the public stores were sending up huge volumes of smoke." He also says that there were two block-houses on the main- land in 1813, one near the Port and one near Salmoni*s Hotel. Several Kentucky volunteers were taken prisoners by the Indians at the battle
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of Ihe River Raisin. One of them, Elias Darnell, who served under General Winchester, published in 1854 a journal of the campai^, from which the following extract may be made: — *'As he took me near Port ^Maiden, I took as good a view of it as I could while I passed it. It stands about thirty yards from the river bank. I judged it to be about 70 or 80 yards square ; the wall appeared to be built of timber and clay. The side from the river was not walled, but had double pickets and was entrenched round about four feet deep; and in the entrenchment was the second row of pickets."
Richardson, after describing the historic meeting of Proctor and Tecumseh, says on page 121 : —
'*It having been resolved to move without loss of time, the troops were immediately employed in razing the fortifications and committing sunh stores as it was found impossible to remove to the flames kindled in the various public buildings ; and the ports of Detroit and Amherst- burg, for some days previous to our departure, presented a scene of cruel desolation."
We now call another witness, an expert witness, a contemporary record that should settle the question, if any doubt remains. In 1799, David William Smith, Surveyor-General of Upper Canada, prepared and published, at the request of Lieutenant-(jk)vemor Simcoe, a Gazet- teer of the Province. On page 49 we find the following: "Amherst- burg, the military post and garrison now building at the mouth of Detroit River, in the Township of Maiden."
In 1813 a second edition was published, revised by Francis Gore, Lieutenant-Governor. In this, Amherstburg is described as a post and garrison, and there is no mention of Maiden as either fort or town. Thus we see oflScially, the settlement was known as Amherstburg from 1797 down to 1813.
In further confirmation of these facts, so ably set out by Mr. James, I may be permitted here to mention another fact which came to my knowledge during the practice of my profession at Windsor. Many years ago I had occasion to search the title to Lot No. 11, First Street, or Lot No. 3 on Dalhousie Street, in the Town of Amherstburg. This lot fronts on what is still known as Dalhousie Street, the main street in the town, and on the southeast comer of said street and Gore Street, and about yards from the remains of the old fort. I found
that this lot, or rather a portion of it, was conveyed by deed dated July 22nd, 1799, by Richard Pattinson & Co. of Sandwich, merchants, to Robert Innes & Co., also of Sandwich, merchants, and is described as "the undivided half of that certain messuage, etc., situate and being
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in the Taum near the Oarrisan of Amheniburg, and containing 30 feet in front by 120 feet in depth, with the dweiling-honae and stable erected thereon." In the deed whieh follows this, dated 23rd Septem- ber, 1808, from Bobert Innes to William Duff, ''the consideration being £36210B.0d.»'
Mr. James dtes various authorities to show that Amherstburg was occupied by United States troops from about September 27th, 1813, to July Ist, 1815, when the renewal of peace placed it in the hands of the British.
Lieutenant J. £. Portlock of the Boyal Engineers, in a Report of the Post of Amherstburg prepared in 1826, thus describes it: "The Fort is square, consisting of three bastions and one semi-bastion, and in its present form was constructed by Americans. The original works which had progressed very slowly and stood unfinished at the approach of the enemy during the last war were (as far as it was practicable to do so) destroyed by the British troops prior to their retreat from the western frontier. The Americans had advanced but a little way toward the completion of the present Fort."
It would appear from further extracts that the Fort, even after its re-occupation by the British, was allowed to decay, and Mr. James comes to the conclusion that the Fort Amherstburg, reconstructed by the Americans in 1813, was not exactly on the same lines as that begun in 1797 and destroyed by the British in 1813, and that by 1826 the second Fort had fallen into decay. He further states that it must have been at some date subsequent to this report of inspection that the Fort was reconstructed and renamed, for this third Fort appears to have received an official naming as Fort Maiden. One authority says the re- building took place in 1839.
In the Crown Lands Department is a sketch entitled, ''The Sur- vey of Reserves taken by Lieutenant De Mole3rn8, Royal Engineer, and copied November, 1852, by Captain Moore." On this plan Fort Maiden appears as a four-sided enclosure, the southern wall or face of which is in a line with the northern end of Bois Blanc. The Commanding Officer's quarters, Fort Supanto's quarters and commissariat premises all lie outside of the Fort, between it and the Town of Amherstburg. The land to the east of the Sandwich road is laid out in lots for the pensioners, and a sample pensioner's house is sketched. The old Indian entrenchment is marked on the river to the north, Richmond Street is marked as the northern limits of the town, and the open space around the Fort north of the town, and between the Sandwich road and the river is marked "Enrolled Pensioners' Grazing Qround," and this plan
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14 ONTARIO HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
comes down to the recollection of many of the older residents of Amherstburg.
The Rev. Mr. Nattress, in his pamphlet before referred to, gives short accounts of the important events which took place on this western frontier and the part taken in its defence by the Military and Militia in charge of Port Maiden during the wars of 1812-1813 and again in 1837-1838. He says: '*0n the breaking out of the war of 1812, Port Maiden was garrisoned by 200 of the 41st, 50 of the Newfoundland Com- pany, and 300 of the Militia, with a detachment of Royal Artillery, being 600 men in all. (Eingsford) Colonel St. George was in command of Port Maiden when on July 12th, 1812, General Hull crossed from Detroit to the Town of Sandwich at the head of 2,500 regulars of the American army. A few days later an ineffectual attempt was made under Colonel Cass to take the River Canard bridge 5 miles above Amherstburg, Fort Maiden, of course, being the objective point. Manoeuvring and skirmishing continued imtil the arrival of Colonel Proctor at Port Maiden, on August 5th. On his arrival he effected a counter movement by sending a detachment across the river, intercepting the supplies in transport from Ohio for the American forces at Detroit, that necessitated the return of Hull's large force from Sandwich to Detroit. General Brock arrived at Port Maiden, on August 13th, 1812, from York,, and next morning met the Indians in Council. Tecumseh urged an immediate attack upon Detroit, and Brock at once took up the march. The small American force at Sandwich re-crossed the river on his approach, and by the following day he had plailted a battery opposite Port Detroit, and shortly after followed Hull's surrender of his post, and all his troops and stores.
Proctor assumed command at Detroit, and in a seires of engage- ments in which the Essex Militia took part, achieved some important results at various points on the Raisin and the Maumee against the forces of the American General Harrison. He was finally repulsed by Harrison in his attack on Port Meigs and met with an almost crush- ing defeat on August 2nd, 1813, at Port Stephenson, and immediately retreated to Port Maiden to recruit his army.
The result of the attempted capture of Amherstburg by the insur- gent leader, Sutherland, with the so-called ** Patriots" and their defeat and capture with the schooner "Ann" on the 9th January, 1838, is well known.
Troops from Port Maiden again on the 24th Pebruary, 1838, defeated an attempted invasion, when an expedition led by one McLeod crossed from Michigan and took possession of what has since been known
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as Fighting Island, a Canadian island in the Detroit River about half way between Windsor and Amherstburg. On that occasion Major Townsend, with a detachment of the 32nd Regiment from Fort Maiden, arrived upon the scene in the night, and at daybreak Captain Glasgow, of the Artillery corp, drove the enemy from their lodgement.
Other attempts to invade this part of Canada and in which troops from Fort Maiden displayed a conspicuous part in defending the coun- try, need only be mentioned, as the engagement on Pelee Island in March, 1838, and the last one, viz., the attack upon Windsor, December 4th, 1838.
Mr. Nattress says that during this rebellion Fort Maiden was gar- risoned by a detachment of the 24th Battalion, another of the 32nd. the 34th Regiment under Colonel Eyre, a battery of Artillery, and as many of the Essex Militia as the exigencies of the situation demanded. The latter were, when embodied with the garrison, in essential parti- colars, considered on the same footing with the regular troops. Last of all came three companies of the Royal Canadians. These were trans- ferred in 1851, after which date no regular garrison was stationed at the Fort The detachment of the 34th Regiment, which had been sta- tioned at Halifax, did not reach Amherstbnrg till the early part of 1838, and subsequently the bastions at the Fort were rebuilt, and the fortifications got in good repair.
The defence of the Fort in 183f consisted of ten 24-pounders, six 6-pounders, three brass field pieces, six mortar guns, and a number of rocket tubes, besides the full complement of small arms. There is at the present time plainly visible the well-defined outline of a mortarbed in the only remaining trench, the one on the north side of the works. Another of the mortar batteries was immediately in rear of where the last of the old flagstaff still stands on the rear of the southwest bastion. The two front bastions are well preserved, the angles being as sharp as the day they were built. On the east side of the Fort there was a double defence formed by two rows of pointed pickets, one on the moat outside the trench, and the other on the inner side of the trench. The Sally-port crossed this east trench alongside the east bastion. The trenches on the east side have been filled in and the bastions levelled in the construction of a roadway.
In 1838 the buildings, etc., in connection with the Fort were all located along the river front from where the post ofiice now is north- ward. Here were the Commissary department fa part of the old hrck building is still standing) , the dockyards. Government stores, the hospit-ril and Oflfie<Ts' quarters. The spaco between the Offier»rs' quar-
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16 ONTARIO HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
tera and the southwest bastion of the Fort was protected by a row of pickets, as was also the space between the two front bastions, not other- wise protected by trench or moat. A part of the defence, not yet spe- cified, was the block-houses on Bois Blanc Island. There were three of them, known as the North, Centre and South block-houses, or No. 1, No. 2 and No. 3. The South block-house still stands as in the old days. The one at the north end was burned some twenty-six years ago. The cen- tre one stands on the west side of the Island, and is embodied in the Colonel Atkinson summer residence. About opposite to it, on the east side of the island, and abreast of Richmond Street, there was a picket barracks, long afterwards used as a dwelling, but not now standing.
The main site of the Fort, with a few of its old buildings still stand- ing, is now owned by private individuals. Some years ago a petition, largely signed by the inhabitants of Amherstburg, was presented to the Government asking for its restoration and preservation as a National Park. The situation is beautiful and it is very accessible. It has been estimated that the property could be purchased for $25,000, and an additional sum of about $10,000 might be required to lay it out as a park. It is to be hoped the Government wiU do something to aid in such a laudable object.
The reclamation of this Fort would not only be an object lesson to the youth of the present day but would do much to promote the study of the history of the early struggles on this frontier in 1812 and in 1838. Situated on the Detroit River, no place could be better advertised. Few places are more visited during the summer season than this river, which is only 24 miles long, yet it is one of our greatest water-ways, carrying more tonnage during the season of navigation than leaves the ports of London and Liverpool during the same period. There are many freighters over 600 feet long and carrying from 10,000 to over 13,000 tons each trip, and over 100 more between 400 and 500 feet long, carrying about 10,000 tons. The passenger traffic is enormous on the steamers plying between Buffalo, Cleveland and other lake ports to Mackinac, Chicago, Port Arthur and Duluth. The new '*City of Cleveland" can carry 4,000 passengers, and the Ferry Company's steamer, '* Columbia, '' is licensed to carry 3,666, and makes two trips a day from Detroit to Amherstburg and Bois Blanc Island, loaded with excursionists, many from the interior of Michigan and from the States of Ohio, Indiana and Illinois. These boats pass almost within a stone's throw of Fort Maiden.
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FORT MALDEN OR AM UER^TBURO.
17
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18
ONTARIO HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
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FORT MALDEX OR AMHERSTBURO.
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This map is more modern and true to fact in the matter of locationa Gop7 of an old plan of 1828.
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n.
ThAMESVILLE AND THE BATTLE OP THE THAMES. Bt Eathbbins B. Coutts.
On the outbreak of the war of 1812 (General Brock, upon whom the duty of defending Upper Canada had devolved^ saw the importance of securing its western frontier. Thither therefore he went; and, with a good fortune which probably exceeded his utmost expectations, he found himself by the middle of August, without a blow struck or a life lost, master of the Fort of Detroit with its supplies of ammunition and ordnance, including some interesting revolutionary trophies, and of the vast territory of Michigan, out of which five sovereign states have since been formed. It was at this time that took place the first and only meet^ ing between Brock and Tecumseh, the two most heroic figures of the war. For Tecumseh, smarting under a sense of wrongs endured by his people at the hands of the Americans, had hastened at the first rumor of war to proffer his aid to the British. Brock soon returned to the Centre Division, leaving in command at the West General Henry Proctor, with a small number of regular troops, mostly of the Forty-first Regi- ment, and some companies of Kent and Essex MiKtia. Though all that could be spared. Proctor's force was confessedly inadequate. But he had as allies a body of Indians varying in number from time to time. He complained that these Indians were ''not a disposable force" and that their zeal was too apt to be in inverse proportion to his need. These are the well known characteristics of Indian warriors. Yet there was one amongst them — ^Tecumseh his name — ^whose zeal and constancy were afterwards to form a standard by which Proctor should be tried and found wanting.
During the thirteen months that followed, the gallant Right Divi- sion and their allies gave a good account of themselves. Richardson, who was with them the whole time, says that Proctor gained from their gallantry and success a reputation that no act of his own deserved. Indeed it is borne in upon the most casual reader of his narrative that, though Proctor was at the head of the defence, Tecumseh was its soul.
After the disastrous Battle of Lake Erie — September 10th, 1813 — which left Proctor denuded of his great guns and cut off from his source of supply, he held a council at which it was resolved to destroy the forts
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THAMESVILLS AND THE BATTLE OF THE THAMES. 21
of Detroit and Amherstburg and retire via the Thames route upon the Centre Division.
This decision was bitterly opposed by Teeomsehy the mouthpiece of the Indian contingent. He accused Proctor of direct breach of trust with his people and demanded that, if the British must retreat, the forts and ammunition should be given to the Indians, who would themselves oppose the landing of the Americans. He compared Proctor to a **fat animal which slinks away, its tigl between its legs," and finaUy hurled at him that ultimate epithet of scorn — an old squaw.
Harrison said afterwards that Proctor must have been infatuated not to make a stand as Tecumseh advised. It is certain that situations as desperate as his have been retrieved, and had there been a leader who
"When the right arm's shattered waves The good flag with the left,"
history might have a different story to telL Sueh a leader, however, Proctor was not ; and I believe that his resolve to retreat has never been aasailed as a normal measure. A compromise was finally arrived at whieh Tecumseh accepted, though unwillingly. It was to destroy the forts and retire, with such ammunition and stores as they could carry, to Moraviantown, the farthest point on the Thames to which batteaux could ascend; to fortify this village and there await the enemy. Mor- aviantown had been built, so far as it was built, by a company of Dela- ware Indians who, led by their missionaries, had migrated thither from the Ohio in 1792. The Moravian church abandoned its work there only abont five years ago. Proctor called it half way to the Centre Division, though it is but a bare third to Ancaster, — ^the Centre Division's out- post. Did Proctor make this promise in good faith f I think not. He made it to escape a present perplexity. He seems to have persuaded himself that Harrison would be content with the possession of the forts and would not pursue. At all events the way he conducted his retreat shows no intention of fighting; and he did not fight. He took much pains to save the great quantity of unnecessary and forbidden per- sonal baggage he had carried off. The safety of his little army, his honor, his reputation — these things he lost sight of. He left Sandwich September 27th and marched at the leisurely rate of nine miles a day for five days. The roads were shockingly bad, for it had been a rainy
Having reached Dolsen's, four miles below Chatham, he left his little army there, and, with his personal staff and baggage and the women
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22 ONTARIO HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
and children, went forward to Moraviantown. He took all the guns but one, and his only ofiScer of engineers, as if to arrange for fortifying. But he left no orders to guide Colonel Warburton, the Second in command; and at Moraviantown he took not a step towards his promised fortifica- tions, though the place is said to have afforded facilities. Abattis could have been constructed, the houses occupied, etc.
*WIhilst thus tarrying by the way and knowing nothing of the gen- eral's plans, Warburton got word of the approach of the enemy. Har- rison had left Sandwich on the second of October and was already, on the third, close behind them. The British retired to Chatham ; and the Indians seeing what they thought a good place to make a stand where now Tecumseh Park is, clamored to fight there. Warburton was in much perplexity and consulted anxiously with the other ofiBcers. All were indignant at the (General's conduct and a proposal was seriously made to deprive him of the command and confer it upon Warburton, who declined, as he very well might, so perilous an honor. However, by the arguments of Elliot, the Commissioner, the Indians consented to go on, a few remaining behind and actually disputing the progress of the Americans. A further march of six or seven miles brought the little army to Richardson's, where Proctor joined them. Leaving a rear guard here, he led the half-fed troops to Sherman's, where the night of October fourth was spent, Tecumseh, according to local tradition, having spent this, his last night on earth, in Sherman's bam. The Sherman of the day — ^Lemuel by name — ^was a member of Captain Shaw's Company of Kent Militia which in May, 1813, applied for, aAd seems to have got, leave to go home and till their farms. At all events it was not in the battle of the Thames, though it was in that of the Longwoods the fol- lowing March, where two of Captain Shaw's sons were wounded — one mortally. The Sherman house was the first built within the limits of the present Thamesville, and probably the only one then standing. It was built on the knoll above the river now occupied by the Sherman cemetery.
On the morning of the fifth the rear guard joined the rest of the army at Sherman's, with the disheartening news that all their supplies of food and ammunition had fallen into the enemy's hands through the night, the guard as well as the sick and wounded being made prisoners. Raw meat was served for breakfast, but before that luxurious meal could be despatched news of the proximity of the enemy caused a further tramp of two muddy miles, this time to the scene of the battle. They were formed in two lines, the British in an irregular group in the woods which, having no underbrush, offered little obstacle to cavalry. The
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THAMESVILLf! AND THE BATTLE OP THE THAMEB. 28
solitary gun, for which there was not a single round of ammunition, was at the left of the road. In a black ash swamp to the right, Tecumaeh and his men were drawn up and here alone, according to local authority, were abattis constructed. David Sherman, the fifteen year old son of the militia man referred to, was looking for his cows that afternoon in company with a boy named Ward. Naturally they looked in the direc- tion where something unusual was going on. An Indian, sitting on a newly-felled tree, called the boys, questioned them a little and advised them to get their cows and hurry home. He wore a scarf wound round his head in which was stuck a large white ostrich plume. When forty years later David Sherman surveyed a portion of his patrimony into vil- lage lots, he named the village after that Indian — Tecumseh. But, there being already a post office of that name in Essex, our village had to find another and was called Thamesville.
The battle of the Thames was fought in the Qore of Zone, and lots 2, 4, 5 and 6 have been entered for the honor of being the site. Lots 5 and 6, the farm until recently owned by Mr. G. J. Watts, who inherited it from his grandfather, whose patent is dated 1849, was long known as the Tecumseh Farm, as it was supposed to be the actual battle ground. But I am assured by Mr. John McDowell, the present owner of the Tecumseh farm, as well as of the adjoining land west, that all the relics known to have been found, — bayonets, muskets and human remains, and skeletons of horses — ^have been found on the latter — ^lot 4. Mr. McDowell has a collection of bullets of two sizes, picked up by himself within the past seven years. When the little army was arrayed Tecumseh rode along the lines, shaking the officers by the hand and try- ing to cheer the weary, hungry and dispirited men about to encounter a foe outnumbering them at least three to one. (The British had 367 of all ranks and their Indian allies were about 800, whereas Harrison's troops numbered at least 3,000 of which almost half were cavalry.) He was dressed in a close fitting suit of buckskin and his favorite white ostrich plume waved above his head. How it recalls another hero — him whose commission Samuel de Champlain carried in 1908:
''The King hath come to marshall us In all his armor dressed. And he hath bound a snow white plume Above his gallant crest.**
Proctor with his staff took his stand behind the rear line. He may well have been ashamed to face the men whose confidence he knew he
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24 ONTARIO HISTORICAL 80CIBTT.
had lost and whom he was flinging to the enemy as the wicked man in the children's story flung the child from his arms to the wolves. I hare no technical terms at my command but this is what happened : Hasri- son's advancing cavalry was met by a fire from the front rank who then retired. The second attempting to fire were borne down by the horsemen and in two minutes or less all was over. The Indians held out the longest; but when Tecumseh fell they also broke and fled. Of the British only about fifty men under Lieutenant Bullock escaped.
AVhere was Proctor? Two minutes after the first volley was fired he was galloping east to i\Ioraviantown, where his treasures were, and onward through the forest towards Burlington. The enemy puramed him fifteen miles plundered the baggage which he was compelled to abandon — ^and which included his carriage — and returned, burning Moraviantown en route. Proctor was courtmarshalled at Montreal in December, 1814, and sentenced to a suspension from rank and pay for six months and a public reprimand. In his defense he had the meanness to throw the blame upon his little army. The Prince Regent was dis- satisfied with the sentence, complaining that he was treated with inex- cusable leniency ; and one finds oneself for once agreeing with his Bojral Highness.
The morning after the battle Lemuel Sherman and his son, David, vaere amongst those who went down to bury the dead. The bodies were thrown into a pit from which relic hunters have since carried off many a trophy. Mr. William Sherman assures me that he knows where Tecumseh was buried — ^that his father (then the* boy David) had wit- nessed the burial and showed him the spot when a boy. There is a strong opinion, however, amongst historians ''that no man knows that sepulchre, and no man saw it e'er" — no white man at least.
Harrison left the sick and wounded at Sherman's and many of them spent the winter there, using the bam already mentioned as their hospital. The names of some of them cut into the boards are still to be seen. One of the Kentucky troops remained behind altogether. When David Sherman married he took up his abode with him, died in his house in 1857 and is buried in the family plot on the spot where Lemuel Sherman's house stood in 1813.
I have left for the last the few words I wish to say on Tecumseh. That great Shawnee Chief was bom in 1768 in the valley of the Mad Biver within the present State of Ohio. Like his brother the prophet, he was believed to be of supernatural birth, being thus a hero to his own people in the classic sense, as he is a hero to us according to the better meaning of the word — ^not the one that came in about the time of the
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THAMESVILUE AND THE BATTLE OP THE THAMES. 26
Boer ^ar. From his earliest years he nourished wrath against the Americans from the belief that his people had been unjustly treated concerning their lands. He was of course a warrior. But a warrior of die best type known to our military age— wise in council, fertile in resource, magnanimous and fearless. If we may believe the story that he fled on the occasion of his first battle, it is interesting as indicatory that his courage had a moral rather than a physical origin. When war was declared in 1812 it was natural that he should come forward in aid of the British* Richardson says that he had nothing of the savage about him save the color and the g^b. Kipling calls the savage people of to-day "half devil and half child," and the description suits our own red men well enough. They were children for instability and devils for cruelty. Tet from the day Tecumseh took his stand beside Brock at Detroit till that on which Johnston's bullet stilled forever his noble heart he never wavered in his determination and loyalty. And he had learned from civilisation her noblest lesson that mercy "which becomes the throned monarch better than his crown,'' and which shines with even greater lustre from the untutored savage. Richardson, who knew him well, speaks of him with afFectionate. enthusiasm. Harrison, against whom he fought, respected him while living and lamented his death. In the story of the war he towers above the short-sighted, selfish and unready Proctor. He stands, an equal, besides the heroic Brock.
Such he was; and of his great gifts he gave all in the Canadian cause. "Oreen leaves of his labor," he gave, "white flower of his thought, and red fruit of his death." Should we not then honor him "as we hcmor our bravest who fallf "
In flve years will come round the one hundredth anniversary of the battle of the Thames. How flttingly on that day would the Canadian people unveil a monument to the memory of the brave, the noble Shawnee who died in battle against the Invaders of Canadian Soil!
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III.
THE HIGHLAND PIONEERS OP THE COUNTY OP MIDDLESEX.
It is difScolt, if not impossible, for men of the present generation to estimate aright the conrage and heroism of their Highland ancestors. Inspired by a noble patriotism, knit to their homes by sacred associations, and the traditions of many centuries, qualified by their mental equip- ment to admire and enjoy its beautiful scenery, bound to race and clan with the strong ties of friendship and affection so characteristic of the QaeL It is hard to appreciate fully the intensity of the strain, or the severity of the trial of their expatriation. Before them was an ocean voyage in sailing vessels, both tedious and dangerous, and a scarcely less tedious and difScult journey from Quebec or Montreal to their western forest homes. But to counterbalance all this there was a pre- vailing dissatisfaction with their condition in the Highlands, a noble ambition to better themselves by securing perfect freedom and inde- j)endence, and a calm, firm reliance on an overruling Providence.
Once arrived at their destination their hardships, so far from ended, were only really beginning. A vast stretch of almost pathless forest, with only here and there a clearing, surrounded and comforted them, and the situation taxed to the utmost their^native energy as well as their powers of endurance. It is not necessary here to do more than simply mention the struggle of years in clearing the land and bringing it into cultivation, the many privations, the simple life in the old log cabins, their devoted attachment to their native land, and their loved Qaelic, their steadfast persevering battle with obstacles, and their final success and victory. It is proper to say here that though this paper is confined entirely to the Highland settlers, the pioneers of other origins are no less worthy of honorable mention.
As a people they carried with them from their Highland homes and grandly illustrated the characteristics of their races. Their stalwart physique and capacity for endurance were not only proved and tested, but exercised and strengthened by the inevitable hardships and exer- tions of their environment. They were gifted with strong intellects and keen powers of observation. No less prominent was their moral stamina and their reverence for religious worship and institutions. With few exceptions their lives were upright, and their economy and thriftiness, a necessity in the early days, were continued in the days of their pros-
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THS HlOm^ANP PI0NSEB8 OP MIDDLBSKX. 27
perity. In the midst of the groat woods and their howling denizens, so complete a contrast to their Highland abode, even more strikingly were the traits of friendship and hospitality displayed, and their souls knit together in fraternal fellowship. Gaelic was practically the only language spoken, and all their customs, not only from their early train- ing, but from their surroundings, were simple and primitive. The old Highland '*Ceilah" kept in the long winter evenings, around great blazing log fires, rested and refreshed them as the pleasant hours were spent in recalling the scenes, incidents, and even superstitions of their native land, and reciting or singing Gaelic songs or hjrmns. They had their faults but they were like spots in the sun. The Celtic fire was sometimes associated with an irascible temper. Firm as their granite hills at times this degenerated into obstinacy, or the open, honest, straightforwardness passed into abruptness, or their whole-souled hos- pitality was maimed by prejudice against people of other origins.
The dawn of civilization in Middlesex County first appeared in the township of Delaware, and here we also find a trace, but only a trace, of the pioneer Highlander of the County, Bonald McDonald, who in 1798 obtained a patent of the land on which Delaware village stands, but soon after sold out to Dr. Oliver Tiffany. It is stated that John Sutherland came in 1829, but as far as known there were no others till the close of the pioneer period. In Liondon township there appear to have been two distinct settlements, one near what is now Ilderton, and one near Hyde Park. In the former the first settler was John Carmichael, nnd in the latter Duncan McKenzie; both came in 1818, and were prob- ably, except Roderick McDonald, the first Highland pioneers in the county. In Mosa the Highland settlers occupied the northern part of the township from the 4th to the 10th concession, and the first settler was Archibald Sinclair, 1827. Many others followed in the next few years, a large number of whom had come to Aldborough, Elgin County, at an earlier date. In Lobo about two dozen families settled in 1820, and from that time tiU 1835 they continued to come till they had taken possession of the greater part of the township. Among these were the Johnsons, the Grahams, the McEellars and Mclntyres. The first High- landers who come into Ekfrid were Angus Campbell, his two sons, John and Malcolm, and his son-in-law, John Mcintosh, in 1821. From that time till 1835 the stream continued to fiow till it had filled practically the whole township. The first in Caradoc were Archibald and Mal- cohn Campbell, 1822. Not many followed till 1829-1835, when posses- sion was taken of the northern part of the township. In 1831 a dozen stalwart Highlanders, prominent among whom was Donald Mcintosh,
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28 ONTABIO HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
settled in East Williams. The wave of immigration continued daring that and the two following years until about 100 families had come in, chiefly from the northern counties of Scotland. There was a second wave of immigration in 1848-49-50, which not only completely filled this^township, but overflowed into West Williams, and was chiefly from the western islands of Scotland. In this latter settlement it is said the first pioneer was Donald McGregor, 1846. In Westminster there were comparatively few Highlanders located south of the sixth concession, and John ]\Iunro appears to have been the first, 1831. As the early his- tory of London has been so elaborately written by others, I need only say from what I can glean the pioneer Highlander of London was Patrick McGregor, 1826. As far as could be ascertained there were no Highland pioneers in Biddulph, and very few in Nissouri. A few High- landers, all from Inverness, came into McGillivray in 1849, and about fifty years ago a small colony from the island of Uist settled there, but are now said to be extinct. There were also a few Highlanders in North Dorchester, of whom the^ first is said to have been Dan. McCaUum, 1830. Except as mentioned, nearly all came from Ai^leshire. I say nothing of Metcalfe, as it was included in Ekf rid and Adelaide till near the dose of the pioneer period.
It is a historical fact that in the matter of public or common school education, Scotland was very considerably in advance of Eng- land. All through the Highlands, parish schools had long been estab- lished, and the instruction was valuable, even if not very extensive. It was, therefore, only what might be expected that the early Highland settlers, from their past associations and their strong intellectual bias, would lose no time in giving attention to the education of their children. The buildings and equipment in the early years were rude and primitive, but as time passed conditions improved. The first log school house in Mosa was erected in S. S. No. 8, about 1836, followed by another in No. 9, soon after. Patrick McGregor was probably the first teacher in No. 8, and others were Duncan McCallum, Pindlay Munroe, and Walter Payne. In Metcalfe the first school was opened in 1839, and the first teacher was Duncan McCaUum. The pioneer school in Ekfrid was on lot 6, Longwoods' Boad, 1836, and the pioneer teacher was Mr. Smith, followed by William Livingstone, and he by Malcolm Campbell. The first log school house in Canada was erected in the early thirties, on the 9th concession, but it was burned down, and a blacksmith's sihop on lot 1, concession 7, Lobo, was utilized for the purpose and attended by children from both townships. Some years after the Caradoc academy, on the Longwoods' Road was opened and conducted by Wm. Livingstone, until
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TH£ UIOHUIND PIONUCB8 OF MIDDLSSBX. 29
it was burned down in 1857. In Lobe a log aehool house was erected as early as 1826, on lot 7, ooneession 6, but never roofed or occupied. The firsl school house to be used was built about 1831 on lot 1, concession 6, snd was soon followed by others when the township was dirided into sec- tions from 1835 to 1840. Among the pioneer teachers of those years were John Irvine, Donald McBae and Robert Dixon. In East Williams the first school opened in 1837 on the exact spot on which the Nairn hotel afterwards stood, and the first teacher was William Munro, long kindly remembered by his pupils and the people generally. In 1889 or 1840 the next school was opened at Beechwood, and <me of the first, if not die very first, teacher was Wm. Wells. In West Williams, which was settled ai a much later date, the first log school house in S. S. No. 12 was bnilt in 1857, and the first teacher was Miss Dewar, of Lobo. In West- minster the first school house (a little log one) was in S. S. No. 13, snd Mr. McCormick, who had been engaged as teacher in the old land, was the first teacher. The pupils who attended those primitive schools, in most eases knew only Gaelic, but they so<m scquired a knowledge of Rnglisih, and made such rapid progress in their studies that before many years had passed they could compare favorably with those of other origLns. An unusually large number entered into intellectual pursuits, snd twenty-five years ago Rev. Wm. B. Sutherland, of Ekfrid, in response to an inquiry, stated that he had made a careful estimate and found that up to that time in Western Ontario, 800 of the descendants of the early Highland pioneers had become teachers, or entered into the ministry or learned professions. Faith in a presiding Almighty Ruler of all things was a prominent trait of Highland character. The physical features of their country, the grand scenery, the glens and bens, and locks and islands, the great old ocean, and even the ffKy^ntiiiTi mists and torrents, were all wdl calculated to imbue an inqyressible and emotional people with belief in the supernatural. Their acute powers of observation, their vivid imagination, their lofty con- ception of moral obligaticm and physical and mental beauty, were abundantly shown in the large volume of Gaelic poetry which had been gathering and increasing for centuries. But in addition it may be said that many of them, even in the early ages, received the gospel as Ae power of God unto Salvation through the labors of St. Columbus and others, and the mighty impulse which the career of John Ejiox gave to religion in Scotland was felt, even in the Highlands. Not only were parishes and parish ministers established throughout, but for many decades preceding the coming migration, many able, scholarly, fervent and faithful men by their zealous and extended labors, helped 1» keep
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30 ONTARIO HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
alive the flow of true devotion and genuine religion. To this people, in the great woods the change was great, and the contrast in /ilmost every t eature sharp and clear, but it did not efface old memories, nor was it less unfavorable to their religious tendencies or convictions. So it comes about that before being visited by pioneer preachers of any kind, the more devout and spiritual met together for prayer, conference and worship. They were also helped and comforted by reading their Gaelic Bibles, reading and singing the Gaelic Psalms and paraphrases, and perusing the ''Pilgrim's Progress," and many other good books which had been translated into their native language.
The great majority of the Highland pioneers of Middlesex were Presb3rterians. Those who settled in West 'Williams at a later date were in part Roman Catholic, and there were a few of the same faith in Ekfrid. There were also a few Baptists, and a considerable number in some of the townships became Baptists at a later date. Speaking of Presbyterian Churches, a house for public worship was erected in East Williams in 1835 on a splendid lot of 118 acres, granted by the Canada Company, and was succeeded by a large frame church in 1842. A com- modious church was erected in Ekfrid in 1849, and in the area then included there are no less than 10 separate congregations. About 1835 a small log house for religious services was built in Mosa, followed in a few years by a large one, and in 1867 by a brick church. In West- minster services were for a time held in a school house until a church was built in 1854. In 1860 the first log church was erected in Caradoc. The first Baptist churches were erected in Lobo*in 1837, followed by a brick structure in 1855, and in Ekfrid in 1840, succeeded by a frame building in 1854.
Among the pioneer ministers of the Church of Scotland who labored in Middlesex in the early days, were Alex. Boss, and Donald McEenziey 1830; W. McKellar, 1833; Dugald McKellar, Lobo, 1839. Soon after a minister, named Cameron, spent some time among the people of Ekfrid, and among the others may be mentioned Wm. R. Sutherland, Ekfrid, 1848-1898; Donald McKenzie and Donald Allan, as visitors, 1834; in East Williams, Duncan McMillan, 1839 ; and Lachlan McPherson, 1849, as settled pastors in thie same township. Also Wm. McGillivray and Alex. Praser in the late forties. Robert Stevenson, 1856; Dr. John Scott, D. McEenzie and D. McMillan, Hyde Park, in the forties. John McEwen, 1852, and Duncan McCoU (an ordained chatechist), 1841, both in Westminster. Archibald Stewart, Kilmartin, 1862; John Ferguson, Caradoc, 1860. Among the pioneer Baptist ministers who labored with great success among the early settlers in Lobo, Caradoc and Ekfrid
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THE HIGHLAND PIONEERS OP MIDDLI8BX. 81
from 1827 onwards were Dugald Campbell, Thomas McCoU, Duncaa Lamont, and Duncan McCallom. Dugald Sinclair, a minister of the Disciples or Christian Church, labored in Lobo from 1831 to his death, in 1870. In the decade ending 1856 Father Kirwan visited the Roman Catholics who had settled in West Williams. A church was built in 1861, and the succeeding priests were Fathers ODonavan, Eellehan, O'Shea, Lamont, Corcoran and McBae. Fathers ODanavan, Lamont and McBae, as well as nearly all of the ministers mentioned, could speak and preach in Oaelic. The preaching in the early years was mostly in that language, bat I believe there is only one place — ^Kilmartin — where it is still continued.
From three important documents of the pioneer period, two of which have come into my own possession, I am able to glean some interesting information. The assessment roll of the township of Lobo for 1825, written in a plain legible hand and signed by John Baskin, contains altogether 49 names, 29 of whom were Highlanders. The total value of assessed property was £2,675 8s., Halifax currency at ^ to the £, and the total taxes were £13 9s. 9d. One-fourth of a penny per pound was for payment of members of the Assembly for their services. The tax paid by Joel Westbrook was only four pence, and Captain John Matthews paid the highest tax, £1 128. 5d.
Much more full and complete than the similar roll for Lobo is the asBcssment roll for Ekfrid for 1827, probably the first one prepared there. It also bears the signature of John B. Askin, as clerk of the London district. It contains 46 names of whom only about ten were Highlanders. The lot and concession as given shows that all settled along and on both sides of the Longwoods' Road, which had been opened up in 1812. It was the only road then open, and there was not one settler in the rest of the township to the north and south, which was all unbroken forest. As a rule each one of the settlers had 100 acres or a total of 4,312 acres ; only 121 acres was arable land in patches of from one to twenty acres. The total population was 107, total valuations £1,198 88., total taxes £7 13s. 4d., and the wolf hunger, the overshadow- ing infiuoices of friendship and fraternity and the high^ claims of religion so occupied their attention that politics had little or no place in their horizon. Besides, they had no means of obtaining the knowledge on which alone intelligent political opinion could be based. But the upheaval of 1837, the mission of Lord Durham, the granting of respon- sible government in 1841, the establishment of municipal institutions in 1842, and the publication of newspapers constituted the beginning of a new era. Almost from the first there was a more or less distinct line
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of cleavage between the two great political parties, which have ever since steadily maintained their organization and identity^ and High- landers and their sons have not been slow to take their places in the political arena, and fill the most exalted positions in the gift of the people.
To Andrew J. Boss, who unearthed what was probably the first assessment roll of 'Williams for 1833, 1 am indebted for some of its inter- esting contents. There were on this roll forty names in all, and with scarcely an exception they were all Highlanders. The wild land is pnt down at 4,590 acres, cultivated land 141 acres, assessed value £1,254. This last in 1837 had increased to £4,627. At the foot of the list if ^ entry, ''in the County of Huron." In the early years there was practi- cally no politics among the Highland pioneers. The franchise was to them a new privilege, which, as a rule, they had never before enjoyed, and it took some time to estimate its value and realize its responsibility.
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IV.
CENTENARY OP THE DEATH OP BRANT.
By Hebbebt P. Qabdineb, M.A., Principal op ths Ontabio Institution POB THB Bund, Brantpobd.
Joseph Brant, or Thayendanegea, the celebrated Mohawk Chief, died in 1807, and the one hundredth anniversary of his death, which fell (HI Sunday, November 24th, 1907, was fittingly observed by the inhabitants of Brantford and the adjacent Indian Reserve, the newly organized Canadian Club of Brantford taking a special interest in the proceedings.
On the afternoon of Saturday, November 23rd, the Brant monument in Victoria Park, Brantford, was decorated with impressive ceremonies in the presence of a large assemblage. The first speaker was Chief A. 6. Smith, who explained the object of the gathering and called upon Chief Jacob General to perform the condolence ceremony, which is an ancient rite observed whenever a death occurs in a chief's family. Chief Jacob General, on behalf of one side of the council, addressed the Mohawks. He repeated all the names of the dead Chief.
The response to the condolence was made by Chief A. G. Smith, who, on behalf of the other side of the council, thanked them for the con- dolences which had been so kindly extended. Condolence, he said, was a great help, and it was able to clear away the lump in the throat and brighten the dimmed eyes. In closing, he stated that if any death occurred on the other side of the house he could say, on behalf of his side, that they would be willing to offer condolence and wipe away the tears with a dean linen handkerchief.
Mr. Frederick O. Loft, of the Provincial Secretary's Department, Toronto, said that on this occasion they were gathered to commemorate the death of a man who was true to his cause. Brant was a soldier from the top of his head to the soles of his feet, and he proved his fidelity to the British crown. The speaker then reviewed the life of Brant.
Chief A. G. Smith placed a beautiful wreath of roses on the Brant monument The floral piece was two feet in diameter, and across it was the word "Thayendanegea." Beside the wreath were placed two small Union Jacks as a fitting tribute to the Chief who loved and was true to that flag.
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A. D. Hardy, Judge of Brant County, and Superintendent Smith, of the Indian OfiSce, made short addresses in which they referred to the life of one of the noblest of red men.
This closed the proceedings at the monument.
Services at the Mohawk Church.
On Sunday morning, November 24th, a special service at the Mohawk Church was attended by a large number of Indians, and also by many residents of the city. After the regular matins had been said and sung, Rev. R. Ashton, Superintendent of the Mohawk Institute and Rector of the Church, referred iu his sermon to the great Chief Joseph Brant, saying that there were many misapprehensions in regard to him. Many thought, for instance, that Joseph Brant built the church they were in. This was not so, as the church was built under the direction of King Gkorge III. in 1785. Chief Joseph Brant, the speaker stated, had received a fair education, and even translated the Gospel of St. Mark into the Mohawk tongue. This translation was printed in 1778 by (George Ill's, order, and the books were sent to the Mohawk Church. Joseph Brant, the preacher also stated, had translated the Apostles' Creed, the Ten Commandments and the Lord's Prayer into Mohawk. These transla- tions were placed on three tablets, which were sent -out from England in 1786. These are at present in the church and greatly valued. The reverend gentleman paid high tribute to the great Chief, for he was much ahead of his time, and hili great idea was to restrain his tribe from being a wandering one and leading an aimless life. Brant also wanted to have the white man teach the Indians agriculture, but the authorities thought that Brant was trying to get the land for himself and this scheme was never taken up during his lifetime.
The pupils of the Mohawk Institute attended the church in a body.
A piece of the famous Queen Anne silver plate, which was sent to the Mohawk Indians in New York in 1712, was used to take up the col- lection. This valuable silver plate was brought here by Brant's tribe when they came from the other side.
Oravb Decorated.
After the service the grave of Chief Joseph Brant was decorated by two wreaths, one being placed on the tomb by the Six Nations and the other by the Canadian Club. The first was of red roses, tjrpifying the red man ; the second of white roses, symbolical of the white friends of the dead Chief.
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Judge Hardy, Chief Smith and several others delivered short addresses. Those present then inspected the church and graveyard, and a most interesting memorial service was brought to a close. The weather Saturday and Sunday was ideal for this celebration, and the ceremonies at the monument, at the church and at the grave were all most reverently participated in by large numbers of people.
At thb CousciL House.
On Monday, November 26th, the proceedings in connection with the centenary of the death of Brant were continued on the Six Nations Beserve. The €hie& assembled in the Council House at Ohsweken, the Mohawks and Senecas sitting at the right; the Oneidas, Cayugas, Tus- eaioras and Delawares at the left ; the Onondagas, who as fire-keepers, dt in the centre, were back at the extreme edge of the two sides. A debate is never settled by show of hands. If the Chiefis to right and left cannot agree, the decision remains with the fire-keepers, whose vdce is final If the two sides agree, the fire-keepers have nothing to •ay.
The Chiejb sit at the far end of the Council House and thenr por- tion is railed off, with seats on thei outside for the warriors and women. The Superintendent occupies a chair on a small raised platform.
Proceedings opened at 11 o'clock in the forenoon, the Chiefs occupy- ing the jxMdtions above described. To the rig^t and left of Super- intendent Smith sat Judge Hardy, President, and Mr. F. D. Seville (Editor of fhe Brawtford Courier), Vice-President of the Canadian Club of Brantford. Other guests within the Chiefs' enclosure were Ura. A. D. Hardy, W. O. Raymond (Postmaster of Brantford), Mrs. and the Misses Raymond, Mrs. Smith, Mrs. F. D. Beville and Mr. W. P. Cockshntt, M.P. for South Brant The council room outside of the dividing barrier was crowded.
Bev. Mr. Carpenter, Dr. and Mrs. Holmes, and many of the teachers on the Beserve were present. The Chiefs, who were grouped aeeording to their nation, were : —
MiAawks — Chiefs D. Doxtater, A. O. Smith, Simon Bomberry, J. W. M. Elliott and Abram Lewis.
Senecas — Chie& John Qibson, Johnson, Williams and John HilL
Qnondagaa— Lawrence Jonathan, Joseph Olsey, Joseph Porter and ^miiamEeho.
Oneidas — Simon Douglas, J. S. Johnson, Daniel Sky, William C. Hill, A. H. Lottridge, Robert Isaac.
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Cayuga*— AVilliam Hill, Jacob General, Alexander McNanghton, Joseph Jacobs and Daniel McNaughton.
Tuscaroras— Chiefs Josiah Hill, Joseph Ore^ and Bichard Hill.
The addresses throoghout the day dealt principally with the edu- cation of the Indian, for which Joseph Brant had worked throughout his life. Most of the Chiefs spoke in their own language, some of the speeches being translated into English for the benefit of the white guests.
All the speakers paid tribute to the man who died one hundred years ago. They crowned his head with wreaths of eloquence in refer* ring to his history, and recalled many incidents in his life which showed the excellent character of the man who, bom in the woods, was later patronized by leading British soldiers and scions of royalty. Brant was described as loyal to his followers and to the British crown, unselfiah and always anxious to find ways to better the condition of his people.
The meeting was declared open by an Onondaga Chief, who laid a string of wampum on the table. Chief Echo, who performed this ceremony, said that the council had seen fit to hold a commemoration in honor of the death of a member of the Six Nations, who had lived over one hundred years ago. He charged the people, no matter of what standing, to be prepared for death at a moment's notice, as the Great Spirit called souls to the great beyond in a minute's time. He wel* comed the white visitors with a few appropriate words.
The ceremony of condolence was conducted by Chief John Gibacm, who spoke in the Indian language.
Letters were read from Lieut:-Col. and Mrs. Delamere, of Toronto ; Principal Gardiner, of the Ontario Institution for the Blind; T. H. Preston, M.P.P. for South Brant; and Hon. William Paterson, Minis- ter of Customs, expressing regret at being unable to be present.
Superintendent Smith said the federation of the Six Nation Indians was the oldest established government on the continent. The constitu- tions of the present governments were modeled after the Six Nations' constitution. They had shown forethought in framing their system. They believed that at some later day there would be a great confederacy of all the tribes, and they had worked to that end.
Chief A. G. Smith (Mohawk) spoke at some length on the ''Life and Times of Joseph Brant." He considered him a thoughtful, imselfish man, who sacrificed many things in order to better the condition of his people. When the Government had given the land grants for the use of the Indians, it was Joseph Brant who advised them to settle and learn to till the ground, rather than to spend their time in laziness. It
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was he who brought the white man in to teach them the art of agrienl- ture, imd it was he who said: ''We cannot saoceed unless we obtain education/'
Judge Hardy spoke at some length on the career of Joseph Brant,' touching on many interesting incidents of his life which brought out the true worth of the man. He considered it a fitting thing to hold a celebraticNi in honor of one so great as Joseph Brant, and he had a feeling of intense interest in all the Indian brethren concerned in SQch an event. The experiences and exploits of these first inhabitants of our great Dominion were interesting, and Joseph Brant figured as greatest of them all. He referred to the natural * endowments pos- sessed by Brant. He was the possessor of an educated, cultivated and trained mind, making friends with all men with whom he came in eon- tact To show 1^ attitude of Captain Brant as regards education, Judge Hardy read a letter written by Brant to Mr. Wheelock, Principal of a Seminary at Lebanon, C!onn., in which he gave Mr. Wheelock full charge of his two sons, that they should be thoroughly educated in all lines, and particularly in morals. Brant was solicitous of education, and desired to educate the Six Nations in the same manner as his own SODS. He had also assisted in the promotion of religion, thus proving himself an accomplished man, of broad and noble culture. Judge Hardy read a letter from Aaron Burr to his daughter, recommending Brant to her as a man of education, well bred and a suitable person to be introduced to their friends. Judge Hardy described the interview between John Brant and the poet, Campbell, in which John convinced the author of Gertrude of Wyoming that he had done a grave injustice to his father, Joseph Brant He also referred to Brant's interview with General Herkimer, in which the former announced his fixed inten- tion to adhere to the British side in the war.
W. F. Cockshutt, M.P., made a capital speech, interspersed with homorous stories, which the Indians enjoyed thoroughly. He said his first speech in the House of Commons was on behalf of the Indians, whom he had always been proud to regard as his friends. It was Sir Wilfrid Lauiier who had asked him to make that speech on the effect of education on the red man. The Indians had once had the franchise and he believed they should still have it. They were a living, not a dead, race, and they should have legislative privileges. Many of them had demonstrated their capabilities under educational advantages. The late Dr. Oronhyatekha had become the head of a large fraternal order, and at the time of his death he was enjoying a salary as large as that of the Premier of the Dominion. He knew of an Indian girl who had charge
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of a large hoepital in the United States, and examples of similar sueceas oonld be found in other walks of life. The Indian was ei|pable of the highest education. The Six Nations had proved their ability to occupy the highest positions in peace as well as in war. They formed the larg- est reserve on the American continent, possessing over 4,000 souls, and they were the most advanced of all the tribes. He had heard the late Senator Plumb, who was an authority, say that no people had made greater advancement within a given time than the Six Nations; that it had taken the whites nearly 2,000 years to reach a position which the Six Nations had largely attained in one century* As a matter of fact. Longboat had recently shown that he was able to go far ahead of all the whites.
He considered Brant a statesman as well as a warrior. Brant's reputation would remain when his detractors were dead and forgotten. The truth was that he had been earnest, loyal and true; he had nobly done his duty in his day and generation, and bequeathed wise measures which had left their impress to the present time. Look at his influence in this vicinity — ^Brant county and Brantford city perpetuating his name. To the Indians Canada also owed her very name. '^Okanada'' was an Indian word, meaning a village or settlement, and thus had become transformed into Canada. He knew that some people tried to make out that the Spanish, when they first landed in the country look- ing for gold, exclaimed ''Acanada" — ^there is nothing here — and that this was the derivation of Canada, but the first explanation given was obviously the true one. The Indians of the Oraxrd River had been the possessors of many valuable relics, too many of which had found their way to Montreal, to England and to the United States. He was sorry that so many of these things had been taken away from this neighbor- hood, and he would like to have Judge Hardy start a collection of local Indian relics. He knew that some regarded him as a sentimentalist about the Six Nations, but he believed them to be capable of attaining any heights, becoming members of parliament, and perhaps even pro- viding a premier for the land they once owned. He had heard some men say that the Six Nations should be removed to the north or the west, and their lands be opened for white settlement. He protested most strongly against that. In former times it was largely the Indian trade that had made Brantford, and he was old enough to know how much that fact had been appreciated by the business men of the earlier days. They deserved — ^richly deserved— the lands given them in Brant county for loyalty to the British crown in a time of peril, and to attempt to force them back from the present reserve would be to break faith and pledges. It could never be done.
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After luncheon Chief William Hill was the first speaker. His address was in the Indian language and seemed to please those who understood it
Warrior Jacob Hill, dressed in regular war costume, his face cor- ered with vermilion and his hands filled with bows and arrows, was called on for a speech. He said he had dropped in accidentally and did not know what the multitude of people meant. On being told the eause of the gathering, he said he was prepared for war but not for speech-making, so he would withdraw.
John Gibson, of the Senecas, made an address in his own language.
William G. Raymond, Postmaster of Brantford, said that if Brant could but stand for a moment on the banks of the Grand Biver, and view the great changes, he would see naught but what he had laid the foundation for. This successful application of methods by Brant and his followers, he considered, was an example to be followed by all men. He thought that the Six Nations Indians had justly earned every privilege that was granted by the Government and sincerely hoped that the removal of the Reserve was not contemplated.
Frederick Loft, of the Six Nations, employed in the Provincial Secretary's office, Toronto, spoke on the constitution of the Six Nations. He thought that the Indian was rapidly gaining a position of equality with the white man. If the Government contemplated any steps in the removal of the Reserve, they should send a delegation to discuss the mat- ter with the Indian Council. He appreciated all the Government had done for the Indians in teaching them the different departments of agriculture, and sincerely hoped that nothing would be done to retard them from their rapid advancement The old system of rule which had been in force in Brant's time has passed down through these many years, and though it might have many failings, yet it was a most won- derful constitution. It provided for a great many things just as modem Governments have done, and there is a great resemblance between the two constitutions. He knew that the Chiefs would never consent to be put back and hoped there would be nothing done to mar the peace of the people.
Chief J. S. Johnson considered education the means of elevation for the Indian.
Mr. F. D. Reville, seconded by Mr. E. L. Cockshutt, moved a hearty vote of thanks for the cordial reception tendered the white visitors. The proceedings closed with cheers for the King and the Indians, the latter responding with three war whoops, led by Chief J. S. Johnson.
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40 ontario historical society.
Sketch op Brant's Life.
A very large audience assembled in Victoria Hall, Brantford, on Monday evening, November 25th, to listen to a patriotic lecture on the life and works of Joseph Brant, delivered by Principal H. P. Gardiner of the Ontario Institution for the Blind, a well-selected program and a speech by Chief William Smith of the Six Nations Indians. The afFair was held under the auspices of the Canadian Club, which has a primary object in the dissemination of a broader knowledge of Canadian affairs. Needless to say, the lecture of Principal Gardiner was instruc- tive in its every detail, and was of a highly patriotic color from begin- ning to end. The days of the early revolutionary wars, especially in relation to the settlement of this part of the province by the Six Nations brought about by their removal from the Mohawk valley before the onslaughts of Sullivan and his artillery, were lucidly portrayed by the speaker. He suggested that one good object the Canadian Club could accomplish would be to mark out the place where Joseph Brant lived between the Mohawk Church and the locks at the river, by the ereetion of a stone monument. He thought it was a subject calling for the patriotic attention of Brantfordites.
Miss Russell, graduate of the Toronto Conservatory of Music, ocm- tributed to the program in very fine style. She recited a poem of Miss Pauline Johnson's, and received a meritorious encore. Miss Russell pos- sesses a very pleasing manner, and is an elocutionist of rare ability. Mr. Joyce also contributed solos to the program, *and was in very fine voice. Chief William Smith of the Reserve, was the representative of the Six Nations present, and made a patriotic but brief address in which he expressed imswerving loyalty to the British crown and the Canadian Government. The evening was brought to a close with the singing of the National Anthem, and proved a most enjoyable one in every respect.
Mr. Gardiner said he felt complimented by the invitation of the Brantford Canadian Club to speak about Joseph Brant, especially as he was not a native of the city or the coimty whose names commemorate the great Indian chieftain, who died 100 years ago. He must be a poor Canadian who could not appreciate the labors and the services, the achievements and the character of a man who had devoted the best years of his life to the interests of the British crown and the welfare of his own race. In the time at his disposal he could not attempt to tell any- thing like the full story of Brant's life, but without regard to style or method he would endeavor to crowd into his remarks as much inf orma-
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tnm as possible about the man in honor of whose memory the meeting had been called.
Brant's Birth^ Parentacs and Education.
In the eighteenth century the Indian tribe to which Joseph Brant, or Thayendanegea, belonged, dwelt in the valley of the Mohawk, a river 135 miles long, which flows in a southeasterly direction and empties into the Hudson about 10 miles north of Albany, N.Y. But his parents must have strayed many miles from home, for Joseph is said to have been bom in the year 1742, "on the banks of the Ohio," a suflSciently indefinite location, since the length of the Ohio River, from Cairo, HI., to Pittsburg, Pa., is 975 miles. The Ohio at one point comes within little more than 100 miles of Lake Erie, and its chief branch, the Alleghany, approaches within 14 miles of that lake. According to one account. Brant's father died in the Ohio country, and his mother came back to the Mohawk with Joseph and his sister Mary, where she took for her second husband a man named Barnet or Burnet, which was contracted into Brant. Another version makes Joseph Brant the grand- son of the Indian Brant, who visited Queen Anne in England in 1710, and the son of Nickus Brant, who lived in the Mohawk country and was mentioned in the papers of Sir William Johnson. Ck>lonel Stone says that Brant was a well-known family name in England. In 1458 — nearly 300 years before the birth of Joseph Brant on the banks of the Ohio — Sebastion Brant was bom in Strasburg, Germany. He wrote a book containing a poem called the Narrenschiff, or Ship of Fools, which was translated into Latin, French and English (1508), and it was the first book published in the English language which contained any men- tion of the New World.
It is not recorded that Brant went to school when a child, but after he had seen some service as a warrior he attended Dr. Wheelock's school at Lebanon, Conn., probably from 1759 to 1761. The labors which he performed as a translator of the Scriptures, his letters and speeches, and his intimate friendship with learned men, indicate that Brant attained considerable culture, probably to a great extent by pri- vate study. His essay on "American Antiquities and the Relative Advantages of Savage and Civilized Life," quoted by Stone, betokens extensive reading and keen, intelligent observation. An illiterate sav- age could not have been esteemed by men like Boswell, Sheridan, the Barl of Moira and the Duke of Northumberland, as Brant undoubtedly was.
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When a mere child^ during the war between the Ignglii^h and the French, he listened to the call to arms.
Brant the Wabbkhl
Brant was at the battle of Lake Oeorge, under Sir William John- son, in 1755, being then only about 13 years old. The Mohawks were led by their King Hendrick, who was slain. For his success in that expedition Sir William received a baronetcy and £5,000.
In 1759 Brant at^companied Sir William Johnson against the French at Niagara. General Prideaux being killed. Sir William assumed command and the fort was taken, thus breaking the chain of forts that the French had designed to establish from Canada to Louisiana.
In 1763-64 Brant was engaged in the war against Pontiac, the Ottawa chief, who captured Mackinaw and besieged Detroit, having combined Delawares, Wyandots, Shawnees, Mingoes and Chippewas against the western garrisons and settlers. Pontiac submitted to the British in 1766. Brant returned from the expedition in 1764 and lived a peaceful life until the outbreak of the Revolution.
In May, 1776, Brant led the Indians at the battle of The Cedars, 40 miles above Montreal. Major Sherboume surrendered to the British.
Brant's first raid on any of the New York settlements was in May, 1777. In June of that year he went south through the Mohawk country as far aa Unadilla on the Susquehanna. He there had an interview with General Herkimer, and announced to him that he was engaged to serve the King. Thence he went to a council at Oswego, where the alliance of the Six Nations with the British was cemented.
Later, in 1777, returning from St. Leger's expedition against Port Stanwix, Brant met with a severe loss in an engagement, which he attri- buted to the Oneidas, and attacked them. In retaliation they plun- dered Miss Molly at the Upper Mohawk Town, and she and her family fied to the Onondagas. She got and gave information which enabled Brant to ambuscade General Herkimer at Oriskany, where there was a drawn battle, both sides losing heavily and both claiming the victory.
In the spring of 1778 Brant was again on the Susquehanna below Unadilla. His first movement was on Springfield, ten miles west of Cherry Valley. He was not at Wyoming, where Colonel John Butler was in command. The fact of his absence from that alleged "massacre" was fully established by John Brant and acknowledged by the poet Campbell, who wrote ** Gertrude of Wyoming."
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In July, 1778, Brant attacked and wiped oat of existence Andnia- town, and in Augost of the same year he laid waste German Flatsi
In November he served imder Widter Butler in the attack on Cherry Valley.
In Jnly, 1779, Brant destroyed Minisink, and devastated other imall places in the Mohawk Valley.
In August, 1779, (General Sullivan defeated Brant at Newtown on the site of the present Elmira. The Indians could not stand against Sullivan's artillery, and they were not only defeated, but demoralized. Sullivan proceeded through their country, utterly destroying the houses, their com and their orchards, which he was surprised to find in such abundance. This policy was adopted by order of (General Washington and the American Ck>ngre8s. Sullivan went as far west as the (Jenessee country and he could have taken Fort Niagara, the winter quarters of the British and Indians, if he had pursued his victory.
In the winter of 1779-80 Brant invaded the Oneida Indians.
On April, 1780, he surprised and destroyed Harpersfield, but saved the life of CoL Harper, ancestor of the New York publishers.
In May, 1780, Brant attacked the Saugerties settlements; in August he burned Canajoharie; in October he successfully invaded the Schoharie country.
After the close of the war. Brant was interested in the formation of a confederacy of the Northwest Indians against the United States. He attended councils on the Detroit River, and in the Miami country, helped to defeat General St Clair in 1791, and kept in close touch with military affairs until the conclusion of Wayne's Treaty in 1795.
How Indians Fought.
Rev. Peter Jones, in his chapter on the mode of Indian warfare, says that ''the more scalps they take the more they are revered and consulted by their tribe. Their mode of action is entirely different from that of civilized nations. They have no idea of meeting the enemy upon an open plain face to face, to be shot at like dogs, as they say. Their aim is to surprise the enemy by darting upon them in an unex- pected moment, or in the dead of night. They always take care, in the first place, to ascertain the position of the enemy. When they find them miprepared or asleep, they creep up stealthily and slowly, like panthers in pursuit of their prey; when sufficiently near, they simultaneously raise the war whoop, and before the enemy awake or have time to defend themselves, the tomohawk is rattling over their heads. When a
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village, a wigwam, or a party is thus surprised, there is seldom any mercy shown either to age or sex ; all are doomed to feel the weight of the tomahawk and the deep incision of the bloody scalping knife. Such close battles, if they may be so called, seldom last more than a few min- utes. If a captive is not adopted by some family who have lost a rela- tive in the war, he is compelled to undergo the most painful death, by being burned alive either at the stake or tree. It is stated that the Indian victims thus burned have never betrayed any weakness in com- plaining of the severity of their punishment by shedding a tear, or uttering a groan; but, on the contrary, have been known to upbraid their tormentors, telling them that they did not know how to give pain."
With the wisdom that comes after the event, it is now generally conceded that it was a mistake for Britain to employ Indians in the war against the revolting colonies; not that the Americans can afford to throw stones, for they were anxious to get the Indians to fight on their side, and there was not much to choose between the treatment of the whites by the Indians, and the treatment of the Indians by the whites. The Indians practiced the trade of war — always dreadful — in conformity with their own usages and laws. The scalping of a slain foe was not in their opinion barbarous. The scalplock was an emblem of chivalry. The warrior was careful to leave the lock of defiance on his crown, for his enemies to take if they could get it. The stake and the torture were identified with their rude notions of the power of endurance. But whatever degree of hardship and suffering their female captives were compelled to endure their persons were never dishonored by violence; a fact which can be predicated of no other victorious soldiery that ever lived.
The name of Brant has been connected with every species of atro- city from the ''massacre" of Wyoming, at which he was not even pre- sent, to the deliberate murder of a prisoner. But Colonel Stone has collected evidence to show that on many occasions Brant saved the lives of those who were opposed to him, and while he says that **no matter for the difficulties or the distance, wherever a blow could be struck to any advantage, Joseph Brant was sure to be there." He adds that ''there is no good evidence that Brant was himself a participator in secret murders or attacks upon isolated individuals or families." He fought and he fought to win — to kill rather than to be killed. "Whether in the conduct of a campaign or of a scouting party, in the pitched battle or the foray, this crafty and dauntless chieftain was sure to be one of the most efficient, as he was one of the bravest, of those who were engaged. Combining with the native
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hardihood and sagacity of his race the advantages of education and of civilized life— in acquiring which he had lost nothing of his activity or his power of endurance — ^he became the most formidable border foe with whom the Provincials had to contend, and his name was a terror to the land"
Brant's Domestic Relations.
Some time previous to 1765 Joseph Brant married Margaret, the daughter of the Oneida chief, and for several years he lived at Cana- joharie on the Mohawk. When Rev. Dr. Stewart visited him there in 1771y he found him comfortably settled in a good house, with every- thing necessary for the use of his family, consisting of his wife, his son, Isaac, and his daughter, Christina. After Margaret's death, he mar- ried her half-sister, Susanna, who died shortly after her marriage with- out issue. In 1780, at Niagara, he was regularly wedded to his third wife, Catharine, with whom he had been living, according to the Indian fashion, for some time previous. She survived him for thirty years, dying in 1837 at the Mohawk village on the Grand River. By his third wife. Brant had seven children, Joseph, jr., who died in 1830, leaving a daughter, Catharine, who married Aaron Hill; Jacob, who died in 1846, leaving six children ; John, who died in 1832, unmarried ; Margaret, who died in 1848, leaving several children; Catharine, who died in 1867, having had three children; Mary, who married Seth Hill, and Elizabeth, who died in 1844, having married William Johnson Eerr, a grandson of Sir William Johnson. She had four children, one of whom, Chief Simcoe Eerr, was living at Burlington in 1871. Brant's two children, by his first wife, married and left issue. His sister, Mary, or ''Miss Molly," as she was called, is described in Sir William Johnson's will as ''my faithful housekeeper," and to her children he left money and land. Dr. CannifiF says: ''We cannot excuse the conduct of Sir William, when he had lost his European wife, in taking the sister of Brant, Miss Molly, without the form of matrimonial alliance; but we must concede every allowance for the times in which he lived. But while grave doubt may rest upon the moral principle displayed by him, we see no just reason to reflect in any way upon the Indian female. Miss Molly took up her abode with Sir William, and lived with him as a faithful spouse until he died. However, this must not be regarded as indicating depravity on the part of the simple-minded native. It must be remembered that the Indian's mode of manying consists of but little more than the young squaw leaving the father's wigwam.
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and repairing to that of her future husband, and there is no reason to doubt that Miss Molly was ever other than a virtuous woman. And this belief is corroborated by the fact that four daughters, the issue of this alliance, were most respectably married.**
Captain Campbell, who visited Brant's house on the Orand Biver in 1792, reported that ** Captain Brant, who is well acquainted with European manners, received us with much politeness and hospitality. Mrs. Brant appeared, superbly dressed in the Indian fashion. Her blanket was made up of silk and the finest English cloth, bordered with a narrow strip of embroidered lace. They have a fine family of children. Tea was on the table when we came in, served up on the handsomest china plate; our beds, sheets and English blankets were fine and comfortable. Two slaves attended the table."
A few years before his death, Captain Brant built a residence on a fine tract of land at the head of Lake Ontario, given to him by the King, but after his death Mrs. Brant came back to the Orand Biver to live.
Bbant the Business Man.
Brant's record and ability as a man of business cannot be com- pletely understood without reference to the Canadian Archives, in which his name frequently appears. His caution was displayed in going to Montreal in 1775 to negotiate with Carleton and Haldimand about compensation for the lands of the Six Nations in the Mohawk Valley in case the British arms should not be sr^ccessful. His visit to England to have the King and Government confirm the arrangement and to have his standing in the service confirmed, before committing any overt act against the enemy, was well advised. After the war, he insisted that Haldimand should implement his promise, and made a second visit to England. He had managed to have the .women and other non-combatants removed from the Mohawk Valley to Canada early in the struggle, and when peace came he soon got them comfortably settled on the Orand River reserve. How he provided for his own household has been described. He doubtless had many unrecorded difficulties in the distribution and disposal of the land grant, but he seems to have taken a broad view of the future of his people, and his personal honesty is conceded.
The Land Grant on Gband River.
The Neuter nation, on the north shore of Lake Erie, like the Eries or Cats on the south shore of the same lake, had been practically exter- minated by the Iroquois about the middle of the seventeenth century.
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80 that there were few human beings in that part of Canada between the Niagara and Detroit Rivers. The Chippewas or Mississaugas laid claim to the country, so the Government bought out their right to a tract bounded on the east hj a straight line running from the north end of Burlington Beach to the Falls of the Grand River (Elora), and on the west by a line from the Palls of Elora to the mouth of Catfish Creek, on Lake Erie, about midway from the present Port Stanley to Port BurwelL
Out of this tract, on October 25th, 1784, Sir Frederick Haldimand, by an instrument under his hand and seal declared that the Six Nations ''and their posterity should be allowed to possess and enjoy a tract of land six miles in depth on each side of the Orand River,'' from its mouth to the Elora Falls, a distance of 100 miles. This grant would include, counting land and water, 1,200 square miles, or 768,000 acres, covering the present townships of Sherbrooke, Moulton, Dunn, Canboro', Cayuga, Seneca, Oneida, Tuscarora, Onondaga, Brantford, Dumfries, Waterloo, Woolwich, Pilkington and NichoL This tract, though much smaller than that which they had been obliged to forsake in the United States, amply satisfied these loyal Indians; indeed, it was not long before they b^^an to dispose of part of their grant. Brant and his people had supposed, it was alleged, that the territory allotted to them had been conveyed in fee by a perfect title. W. H. Smith sajrs: **It is hardly necessary to remark that an estate in fee simple in lands, belong- ing to the crown, could not be conveyed by Sir Frederick Haldimand 's mere license of occupation under his seal. Letters patent, under the Great Seal of England, or of the Province of Quebec, could alone have conferred such a title." It had been expressly declared in 1763, and again in 1788 and 1789, that the Indians were never to alienate their lands without the assent of the crown.
The Indians had not been long in occupancy of the new territory on the Grand River before the white settlers began to plant themselves in their neighborhood. Brant saw that the hunting grounds of his people would be thus circumscribed, and he also saw without regret that the effect would be to drive his people from the hunter to the agricul- tural state, in which case the territory would be too large, instead of too small. He conceived the idea of selling part of the land for money for the immediate improvement of the people, and part in such a way as to secure a permanent revenue for the Indians. This led to disputes with the Government, especially in Governor Simcoe's time.
The principal chiefs and warriors, in the name of the whole, exe- cuted on November 2nd, 1796, a formal power of attorney, authorizing
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Captain Brant to surrender into the bands of the Government certain portions of the lands possessed by them, and for which they had found, or intended to find, purchasers, so that His Majesty, thus holding those portions of their lands, relieved from the pledge which had been given for their exclusive possession, might make a clear and free grant, in fee simple, by letters patent, to such persons as the Indians might agree to sell to. This method of proceeding was clearly in accordance with the nature of the tenure under which the Six Nations held, and was, in principle at least, as proper as could be devised for protecting the interests of the Indians and guarding them against hasty and indis- creet sales. The tract which Captain Brant was authorized to surrender was described in the power of attorney referred to, and was stated to contain 310,391 acres. From a report made to the Government in 1830 the disposition of those lands can be ascertained :
94,305 acres, now constituting the township of Dumfries, were sold to P. Steadman for £8,841. This tract passed into the possession of Hon. William Dickson, who paid the price and opened the land for settlement.
94,012 acres, the toA^-nship of Waterloo, were sold to Bichard Beasley, James Wilson and John B. Rousseaux for £8,887.
3,000 acres additional were given to Mr. Beasley to make up a deficiency in Waterloo township.
86,078 acres, the township of Woolwich, were sold to William Wal- lace for £16,364. Mr. Wallace paid for 7,000 acres, and the Indians reported to the commission that they had given from this tract 10,000 acres to Mrs. Claus, daughter of Sir William Johnson, and 5,000 acres to Captain Brant. Jacob Erb had bargained for 45,185 acres of Wool- wich township at half a dollar per acre.
28,152 acres, Nichol township, were sold to Hon. Thomas Clark for £3,534, payable in 1,000 years from the date of the bond, the interest to be paid annually.
30,800 acres, the township of Moulton, were sold to W. Jarvis for £5,775; sold out to Lord Selkirk, who sold to Henry J. Boulton.
The to\^Tiship of Canboro' was granted to John Dockstader, who transferred it to Benjamin Canby for the benefit of Dockstader 's Indian children. It was reported that Canby had paid neither principal nor interest.
The township of Sherbrooke appears to have been given to ^Ir. Dickson, on his agreement to transact all necessary business of a pro- fessional character for the Indians.
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15,000 acres, comprised in the township of Pilkington, were sold to Captain Pilkington.
The commissioners reported: ** Whether Captain Joseph Brant did or did not on all occasions execute the trust reposed in him faithfully towards the Indians the trustees are unable t(f judge, no evidence having been laid before them upon that subject ; and it is indeed only right to observe that no improper conduct whatever has been imputed to him before the trustees; and they are, therefore, bound to assume that he dischai^ed his duty with due fidelity."
Until long after Brant's death, that is to say, until 1830, the entire area of what is now Brantford township remained in possession of the Six Nations Indians, but at that date the town plot of Brantford and the north part of the township were deeded away and further surrenders were made from time to time until the whole township was ceded and settled.
Brant the Patroft.
Brant was to the day of his death an Indian chief, owing his first duty to his kindred and his nation. He was ready to contest Indian rights with Governor Simcoe, Agent Claus or any other disputant. Nor were his sympathies confined to the Six Nations. For years he was active on behalf of the Indians west of the Detroit River, and only gave up the struggle when he became convinced that the cause could expect no assistance from Great Britain. It was Brant's proud boast that he had never taken pay for work done on behalf of the Indians. He also claimed that his loyal devotion to the British cause during the War of the Revolution was in fulfilment of the pledges given by his fore- fathers.
One of his biographers says that the interests of his people, which were ever uppermost in his mind while in the fulness of health and strength, seemed to be foremost in his thoughts to the end. His last words were: **Have pity upon the poor Indians; if you can get any influence with the great, endeavor to do them all the good yon can." With these sentiments paramount in his thoughts, Joseph Thayendanegea died. His remains were brought to the burying grounds which surround the old ^lohawk Church, and there interred among those of many of his kindred.
Forty-three years passed away. The flight of time nnd the corrod- ing hand of neglect were fast obliterating the little mounds of earth which marked the last resting place of Joseph Brant and his son and successors, John Brant. In the year 1850 the remains of the two chiefs
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were re-interred in one common vault. The Brantford Herald of November 27th, 1850, said:
''On Monday last the remains of Thayendanegea, which had been previously exhumed, were placed in the tomb at the Mohawk that had been recently prepared for their reception. This was done with no small degree of pageantry. The vast multitude of people who had assembled from different quarters went in procession from the town of Brantford to the Mohawk village. Addresses were delivered by Bev. A. Nelles, Rev. P. Jones, Sir Allan McNab, D. Thorburn, Esq., and others, among whom was an American gentleman whose father had many years ago been most generously treated by Brant. After the speaking was concluded the interment took place, when three volleys were fired over the grave of the brave and faithful Indian soldier, Captain Joseph Brant.*'
In his address on that occasion Rev. Peter Jones said that Brant's adherence to Great Britam was strong and sincere ; and in consequence of that attachment the Six Nations lost their extensive fertile country, now the garden of the state of New York. No one can dispute his gravery. In Indian language it may be said of him : 'His eye was like the eagle's — ^his motions like arrows from the bow — ^his enemies fell before him as the trees before the blast of the Great Spirit.' Brant was the principal means of the erection of this church, now the oldest in Canada, and procured the bell which has so often summoned the people of Qod together to worship in his holy courts; and has tolled for hundreds of those whose bones now lie in that sacred yard. I am informed that it tolled, when Brant died, 24 hours. I am happy to learn that our white friends have it in their hearts to erect a monument to the memory of the Indian brave, that succeeding generations may see and know the hero after whom the town of Brantford is named.'*
Brant, the Gentlemen.
Mr. Stewart denies that the family of Brant occupied a pre-eminent position in their village on the Mohawk River, and contends that Joseph's influence was acquired by his uncommon talents and address as a coun- cillor and politician. "Distinguished alike for his address, his activity and his courage — possessing in point of stature and symmetry of person that advantage of most men even among his own well formed race — tall, erect and majestic, with the air and mien or one bom to command
^having, as it were, been a man of war since his boyhood — ^his name
was a tower of strength among the warriors of the wilderness." Re-
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garding bis first visit to England in 1776, it has always been said that he was not only well received, but that his society was courted by men of rank and station — statesmen, scholars and divines. He had little of the savage ferocity of his people in his countenance; and when, as he ordinarily did, he wore the English dress, there was nothing besides his color mark to mark wherein he differed from other men. He was pro- vided with a splendid costume after the manner of his own nation, in which he appeared at court.
On his second visit to England in 1785-86, he was received with evea greater favor, for he had made the acquaintance of many officers of the aimy and other persons of prominence who vied with one another to do honor to Brant. Lord Dorchester, Earl Moira, General Stuart, the Duke of Northumberland, the Earl of Warwick, Charles Fox, the Bishop of London and the Prince of Wales were among his intimates. With Eang Qeorge II. and the royal family he was a great favorite. Speaking of the people he met at the table of the Prince of Wales — Fox, Burke and Sheridan, and others of that splendid galaxy of elo- quence and intelligence — Col. Stone says that, ''though deficient in his literary acquisitions, Brant, with great strength of mind and shrewdness of observation, had moreover sufficient taste and cultivation to appre- ciate society, even of this elevated and intellectual character. The natural reserve of the Indian he could assume or throw oflf at pleasure and with a keen sense of the ludicrous he could himself use the weapons of humor and sarcasm with a good share of skill and dexterity." Brant's method of impressing the Turkish diplomat who had allowed his cur- iosity to get the better of his caution is too well known to require repetition.
Bk ant's Reugion.
About the time of Brant's second marriage (1772-3) he became the subject of serious religious impressions. He attached himself to the church, was a chastened and regular communicant at the celebration of the Eucharist; and from his serious deportment, and the anxiety he had ever manifested to civilize and Christianize his people, great hopes were entertained from his future exertions in that cause. No doubt has ever been entertained of his sincerity at that time ; and it has been attributed to the counteracting influences of the dreadful trade of war, in which il was his fortune afterward again so actively to become engaged, that those manifestations of Christian utility were eflfaced; entirely eradicated they were not, as was shown at a subsequent stage of the career of this remarkable man. As far back as 1762 Kev. Charles
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J. Smith, a missionary to the Mohawks, took Brant as an interpreter. Rev. Dr. Wheelock receiving a report from Rev. Mr. Eirkland that, on account of the outbreak of the war, Mr. Smith was obliged to return, but Joseph tarried and went out with a company against the Indians and was useful in the war ; in which he behaved so much like the Chris- tian and the soldier that he gained great esteem; adding '^he now lives in a decent manner, and endeavors to teach his poor brethem the things of God, in which his own heart seems much engaged. His house is an asylum for the missionaries in that wilderness."
Brant assisted in translating the prayer book and portions of the Scriptures into the Mohawk language, and after he came to reside in Canada, his efforts for the moral and religious improvement of his people were indefatigable. One of his first stipulations with the com- mander-in-chief, on the acquisition of his new territory, was for the building of a church, a school house and a flouring mill and he soon made application for a resident clergyman. It is no less interesting than true that the first Episcopal Church erected in Upper Canada was built by Brant, from funds collected by him while in England in 1786. The communion service is of beaten silver, each piece bearing an inscription stating it to have been given to the Mohawks for the use of their chapel by Queen Anne. The church bell was made by John Warner, Fleet Street, London, 1786. Brant died at Wellington Square (now Burlington), on November 24, 1807, at the age of 64, and his remains were interred by the side of the Mohawk Church on the Grand River. Not far away is the institute for the education of Indian chil- dren, maintained by the New England Company, which was originally constituted a corporation under the name of "The President and Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in New England," by an ordinance issued in 1649. It was this Company which supported var- ious missionary undertakings in New England during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, until interrupted by the war between Britain and her colonies. The operations of the Company have since been car- ried on in what is now the Dominion of Canada.
Th£ Man Brant.
As a warrior. Brant was cautious, sagacious and brave; watching with sleepless vigilance for opportunities of action, and allowing neither dangers nor difficulties to divert him from his well settled purposes. His constitution was hardy, his capacity of endurance great ; his energy untiring, and his firmness indomitable. He was at once afiFable and
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dignified, avoiding frivolity on the one hand and stiffness on the other. His temperament was decidedly amiable; he had a keen perception of the ludicrous, and was both humorous and witty himself. In his dealings and business relations he was prompt, honorable and expert, and a pat- tarn of integrity. The purity of his private morals has never been questioned, and his house was the abode of kindness and hospitality.
P. W. Halsey, in his book on "The Old New York Frontier," says that in the town named after him an imposing monument perpetuates Uie memory of Brant. In that soil, therefore, sleeps in his last sleep the most interesting Indian, who, in that eventful eighteenth century, for- ever linked his name with the history of central New York. Stone is not alone among Brant's eulogists. William C. Bryant, of Buffalo, had remarked that the evidence is incontestable that he was a great man — in many respects the most extraordinary his race has produced since the advent of the white man on this continent; and John Fiske, in one of his later books, declares that he was the most remarkable Indian known to history. Schoolcraft calls him the Jephtha of his tribe, and lauds his firmness and energy of purpose as qualities, which few among the American aborigines have ever equalled. But the best evidence of the man's personal worth lies in the high respect and friendship which he inspired among educated and titled Englishmen, as shown in many ways and notably in his correspondence. Brant, says Halsey in conclu- sion, has deserved no large part of that load of obloquy which on this fhmtier for many years rested upon his name. He was better than the Tories under whose guidance he served, and far better than most Indian chiefs of his time. There was much in the man that was kindly and humane. If he loved war, this was because he loved his friends and his home still more. He fought in battle with the vigor and skill of a savage, but we are to remember that he fought ^ere honor called him. To the story of his life peculiar fascination must long be attached, a large part of which springs from the potent charm of an open personal- ity. In Brant's character were joined strength and humanity, genius for war and that unfamiliar quality in the Mohawk savage, bonhomie.
Mr. Gardiner said he had not attempted to depict Brant as a man free from imperfections. He had his faults, as which of us has nott Doubtless, he made mistakes. His judgments were not infallible. Could he have foreseen that, within one hundred years from the time when he sold bondreds of thousands of acres for 50 cents an acre, payable either in spot cash or at the end of 1,000 years, Woolwich, Waterloo, Dumfries and the other townships bordering the Grand River would be filled with smiling farms, while the hum of manufacturing industry would be
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heard from such hnsy centres of population as Berlin, Preston, Oalt, Paris and Brantford, he wonld probably have advised the leasing of the lands at a ground rent adjustable every 40 or 50 years, and would thus have secured for his people an ample income for all time to come. Doubtless, in the lust of battle, he committed acts for which he waa afterwards sorry. But Brant has now been dead long enough for an unprejudiced public to estimate him fairly, and the verdict will surely be that the good in him far outweighed the evil, and that his name is entitled to rank with the Robinsons and Ryersons, the Merritts and McNabs, the Tisdales and Sherwoods, the Cartwrights and Hamiltons whom by common consent Canadians delight to honor. Joseph Brant was a man, take him for all in all, we shall not look upon his like again.
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V. THE PIONEERS OP MIDDLESEX.
Mr. President, Ladies and Oentlemen : —
You will see by the addenda that the paper I have promised to read is entitled ''The Pioneers of Middlesex," though that scarcely eorrectly describes my attempt. What I intend to speak to you about is certainly men who were pioneers in the county of Middlesex, though I intend to deal principally with them in their character as picmeers and founders of the city of Loodon.
London, often spoken of as the Forest City, from the fact that when and for many years after it was first laid out, indeed, until a period well within living memory, there remained a wide expanse of unbroken forest within a very short distance of the site upon which this beautiful city of the west now stands.
Li the year 1826 Thomas Talbot, Mahlon Burwell, James Hamil- ton, Charles IngersoU and John Matthews were appointed by govern- ment Commissioners to erect county buildings in the town of London, in the Province of Upper Canada, which had been named as the county town of the county of Middlesex in the same province in the place of Victoria previously named.
Before going any further a few words may be said about some of these commissioners. Thomas Talbot was the famous Colonel Talbot, who came to Canada with Governor Simcoe in 1792, and eleven years later, in the year 1803, founded the town of St. Thomas. It would occupy more time than the Ontario Historical Society has at its disposal for the whole of its meeting, to attempt to give any history of the famous Thomas Talbot.
His whole life is bound up with the city of St. Thomas, with the early settlers on Lake Erie, with the Talbot Settlement and the county of Elgin. He is one of the most notable characters of the early days of Upper Canada, now Ontario, and one could only deal eflSciently with the circumstances of his advent in Canada and his subsequent sojourn here in a long series of papers.
Mahlon Burwell, another of the commissioners, was a Colonel .of Militia. He was one of the very earliest settlers on the shores of Lake Erie, the town of Port Burwell receiving its name from him.
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James Hamilton was a member of the famous Niagara family of that name. They were, 80 years ago, greatly interested in the lake trade ; built several steamers themselves and exercised a wide influence in the province.
Charles Ingersoll was the founder of the town of Ingersoll in the county of Oxford, where he was a very large land owner. Of John Matthews I do not possess any very accurate information, beyond the fact that he was a prominent figure of Lobo.
Every student of Canadian History is aware that Governor Simcoe, when he first visited Upper Canada, had it in his mind to plant his capital on the River La Tranche, on the site now occupied by London. This idea, though, was speedily abandoned, and it was quite thirty years after Governor Simcoe 's time before the present city of London was founded.
In 1826 the first survey was made for the proposed town. The work was carried out by Colonel Mahlon Burwell, assisted by Freeman Talbot and Benjamin Springer as chain bearers.
Everything must have a beginning and the first beginning of the present city of London was very modest, indeed, some two or three log cabins being the first houses erected.
Colonel Talbot had a very great deal to do with settling the place. He was apparently land commissioner, the patents all being in his hands ; but it must also be admitted that the conditions entitling a proposed settler to a tract of land were not very rigid. They were the payment of a fee of £8 currency or $32 upon the patent, with the additional con- dition that they built a house, the quality not being specified, though the size was to be 24 feet by 18. There were no stipulations as to it being a one or a two-storey building, and it goes without saying that no sanitary regulations were enforced ; all the settler had to do was to pay the patent fee and build any kind of a shack that he fancied so long as it was at least 24 feet in length.
The boundaries of the first town were Wellington Street on the east, North Street, now know as Carling Street, on the north, and the River Thames on the south and west.
Among the very early settlers were Robert Carfrae, who was related to a well known resident of York, Hugh Carfrae ; John Yerex, Dennis O'Brien, Patrick McMannis and Thomas Fisher. John Yerex was father of the first native bom Londoner, Nathaniel Yerex, who first saw the light of day in 1826, very shortly after the survey was made for the new town. Information is very vague as to the first year or two of London's history, though it is known that in the year 1827 the
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total population of the place numbered 133, there being in all thirty-three families. The first marriage, which took pla^e in the town, was that of Thomas Carling, father of the late Senator Carling, to Miss Anne Bout- ledge, and it was performed not by a clergyman but by a magistrate, Colonel Mahlon BurweU.
Beference has been made previously to the county buildings. These were duly erected and completed in 1827, the builders being Ewart & Clarke, who were contractors in the town of York, now Toronto, the former of whom, two years later, erected the buildings on the north side of King Street West in that city, between Simcoe and John Streets, which for more than sixty years was the home of Upper Canada College.
Among the very early merchants in London was an American citizen, Oeorge Goodhue, who soon became a naturalized British subject and for many years occupied a prominent and responsible posi- tion, both as business man and a politician in the Province of Upper Canada. Mr. Goodhue commenced business in London in 1829, and very shortly afterwards was joined by Lawrence Lawrason, who was the first postmaster in the place.
There are many of Mr. Goodhue's relatives and descendants still living in the province, while there are still not a few residents in the city who have a vivid recollection of tho gentleman himself.
Lawrence Lawrason, his partner, was a Canadian by birth, having been bom in the Province of Upper Canada early in the last century. His father had emigrated to this country at a period the date of which I am uncertain.
Lawrence Lawrason married Miss Abigail Lee, a daughter of Dr. Hooker Lee and a sister of Dr. Hiram D. Lee, one of the pioneer medi- cal practitioners in the London district. By this marriage there were two daughters and one son bom to Mr. and Mrs. Lawrason. The latter married a Miss Bettridge, of Woodstock, and died in Muskoka from the effects of an accident about twenty years ago. One of Mr. Lawrason 's daughters, Mrs. Reed, of British Columbia, survives, while the remaining one, the late Mrs. Lionel Ridout, died about fourteen years since. Mr. Lawrason was a Conservative among Conservatives in his political views and sat in the Provincial Parliament as member for London in the year 1844. He continued in business in partnership with Mr. Goodhue for many years. When that partnership was dissolved he was joined by his wife's nephew, Hiram Chisholm, and then a few years later, having retired from active business, he was appointed the first police magis- trate for London. He died in 1881. His wife survived him for about sixteen years.
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Another of the early settlers whom I have mentioned was Thomas Fisher. He only lived in London for two or three years, but he was one of those who assisted in making the first clearing. After leaving the newly-founded town, which he did somewhere about 1829, Thomas Fisher removed to the township of Etobiooke in the county of York, and there on the Biver Humber established a grist mill which continued in operation under various owners from early in the thirties until about 1860. Mr. Fisher died about 1878 at a very great age, but to the very last he was pleased to relate that he had taken part in the founda- tion of London.
The first two-story frame house and store erected in London was the work of G. J. Goodhue, and the first post office was opened by Law- rence Lawrason, who afterwards joined the former in business, as I have previously stated. One of the very first, if not the very first, doctor in London, to whom belongs the honor of establishing what is now the present city hospital, was Archibald Chisholm. Dr. Chiahdm married Selina, the eldest daughter of Dr. Hooker Lee and sister of Lawrence Lawrason 's wife. Dr. Chisholm died in 1832 or 1833. The date is somewhat uncertain but the former is the more probable one. His widow, on January 29th, 1834, married Colonel Edward William Thompson of Toronto township, who died in 1865, and Mrs. Thompson, formerly Mrs. Chisholm, died in Toronto in 1884.
Dr. William Hooker Lee, who has previously been mentioned, died in London, Ontario, March 30th, 1829, aged 67 years. One of Dr. Lee's sons, Hiram Davis Lee, who had studied medicine*and taken his degree, played a very prominent part, not only in the history of the province but in that of the town of London. Having in his earlier days seen service in the War of 1812 and thus brought himself under the notice of the authorities, he was, on October 14th, 1833, appointed Government Medical Officer for London District. Dr. Lee married in 1819 Anne Terry, daughter of Parshall Terry, one of the most notorious of the U. E. Loyalists, who settled in Canada, he having been a Lieutenant in the famous corps of Butler's Bangers who fought with such intrepidity and vigor during the Revolutionary War. When the revolted colonists attained their independence Parshall Terry and the whole of the other officers of the rangers found it highly desirable to leave the new United States of America and become settlers in Canada. Parshall Terry was one of the best known of the U. E. Loyalists. He first settled in Eang- ston, then removed to York, being one of the most prominent of the early citizens of that place, where he also possessed a considerable amount of land, granted to him for his services. Terry was also a land
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owner in the coontj of Middlesex. He was a member of the second provincial parliament, and died in Toronto in 1807.
Dr. Lee who was Terry's son-in-law had a very large family, one of whom is still alive, though in extreme old age, was Qrace Simeoe Lee, ihe well-known actor of fifty years since. Dr. Lee died a victim to his own a^ise of public duty and heroic self-forgetfulness, whilst doing his doty among the fever-stricken emigrants suffering from the dreaded diip-fever in the emigration sheds of London in 1847.
My paper has already taken up a considerable amount of time, and yet it seems to me as if I had scarcely touched the fringe of my subject, namely, the Pioneers of London. Let me, though, go on a little further. The first Anglican clergyman in London was the Bev. E. J. Boswell, who came here in the year 1829 and established St. Paul's parish. For some reason or other Mr. Boswell does not seem to have had a very happy sojourn in London, for he only remained for about three years, being succeeded in 1832 by Benjamin Cronin, for more than thirty years rector of St Pauls, and for nearly fourteen years Bishop of Huron.
The Anglicans in 1830 had no place of wordiip in London. This is shown by the fact that on January 16th, 1830, in reply to an appli- cation frcmi Mr. Boswell that his congregation might use the court room for divine service, Colonel J^Iahlon Burwell writes : —
^^The magistrates cannot grant the congregation the use of the court room, as it was erected for the only purpose of accommodating his Majesty's courts of law in the administration of justice. They do not eoneeive that they possess the right of granting you your request."
In the year 1835 there was a small frame church built near where tiie present custom house stands. This was destroyed by fire in the early part of 1844, but to the credit of the congregation, almost immedi- ately rebuilt
The first Presbyterian minister was the Rev. William Proudfoot. His name is mentioned in many places as early as 1831. Among the Baptists the earliest name of any accredited minister belonging to that denomination is that of the Rev. Thomas Hutchins, who officiated at the scAemnifiition of a marriage on February 4th, 1833.
The Methodist Church appears to have been fairly established in the Londcm District about the year 1833, the name of the Rev. John Beatty frequently recurring in documents relating to that denomina^ tion.
In the Congregationalist body there was a church formed so far back as 1835, the minister of which was the Rev. William Lyall.
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The Boman Catholic Church first established a congregation in the London District about 1830. It was not a remarkably strong one, as there were in the early days not a very large number of adherents of that faith in this part of Canada.
Turning to municipal matters. The first president of the village council was Qeorge J. Ooodhue, who has often been mentioned already. Tlie second in 1841 >\a8 James Givins, better known as Judge Givins.
Judge Givins was a son of Colonel James Givins, an ofSeer in the Queen's Bangers, commanded by Governor Simcoe. He occupied a very conspicuous position in military and political circles in the early part of last century. He had great influence with the government of the day and was appointed Indian Commissioner. He was one of the very first householders in the town of York and built what was for the time a very handsome residence in the western portion of the city, which was only pulled do\^Ti about 1888.
The first town warden of London was John Jennings, a well known distiller, who was appointed in 1838. The village was created a town in 1848, the first mayor being Simeon Morrell. It was created a city on January 8th, 1855, Murray Anderson being the first mayor.
The members of the Provincial Parliament were as follows: —
Hamilton Eillaly, 1841.
Lawrence Lawrason, 1844.
John Wilson, 1847.
T. C. Dixon, 1851.
John Wilson, 1854.
John Carling, 1858, until Confederation.
I cannot conclude this paper without referring to two notable events in the history of London. The first was the great fire whieh occurred in 1845 when more than 150 buildings were destroyed and damage done to the extent of $100,000, an enormous sum for such a poor and small place as London was then.
The next event happening in London that I wish to refer to was happily one which was for the benefit and not the injury of the town. It was the fact that in 1854 the Provincial Agricultural Association held their first exhibition there during the month of October, that exhibi- tion being the precursor of the Western Pair which will open here next week.
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THE BEGINNING OP LONDON. By Cl. T. Camfbill, M.D.
When Canada paned under the control of the British Govemmait, die problems arising in the ^ort to govern an alien race, were rendered more aerions by the influx of the loyal English, who left the United States after the establishment of the Republic. To relieve the burden of Oovemment it was decided to divide the territory into two sections — Lower Canada, where the French element would, predominate, and Upper Canada, which would be essentially English. The proclamati<m of Lord Dorchester, the Governor-General, announcing the new order of things, was issued cm May 26th, 1791. The Governor-General, having his headquarters in Lower Canada^ his authority in Upper Canada was, to some extent, delegated to a Lieutenant-Governor — Colonel John Graves Simeoe being the first appointed to that office. At the time of its constitution the population of the new province would be about 20,000. There were villages at Kingston and Newark, and a number of small settlements generally located near the St. Lawrence River and Lakes Ontario and Erie.
CoL Simeoe had served in the British army during the American Revolution. He had personal knowledge of the intense anti-British feeling in the States; and was certain that many years would not elapae before the war would be renewed. This thought dominated his policy during his administration. To settie Upper Canada with loyal BriUma — soldiers, especially, and to place it in a state of defence, that would protect it from hostile raids from over the border, was to be his
As he looked over the map, he saw the western part of his province especially liable to attack ; for at two points — ^the Niagara River and the Detroit River, the enemies' forces could be easily concentrated and an invasion easily affected. To establish a strong military centre from which his forces could be promptly despatched either east or west, seemed to him a necessity.
His map at the Home Office indicated the River La Tranche to be a large stream extending from the lake well up to the northeast, with only a short portage necessary to connect it with the Ouse or Grand
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River. Here was a military highway which he thought could be utilised to good advantage. Of course the maps of those days were not the most accurate. Gallinee's map (1670) the first drawn, only outlined the coast; Farquharson's (1884) indicated a river where the Thames might be, and so did that of Jeffery in 1762. A report accompanying Billini's map (1744) refers to it as the Askeneasippi or Antlered River; and it appears to have been about this time that the trappers had dubbed it La Tranche (the cut or trench). Later geographies give it a fuller outline, and hinted at greater magnitude. But Cartography in the past never hesitated to draw on its imagination ; and Col. Simcoe might be excused if his expectations were tempered by his desires.
Coming to Canada in the latter part of 1791, the Governor pursued his enquiries at Montreal with apparent success. Li a letter to the Hon. Reary Dmidas, Colonial Secretary, written from Montreal, on the 7th December, 1791, he says: —
"I am happy to have found in the surveyor's office an aocnrate survey of the River La Tranche. It answers my most sanguine expecta* tions; and I have but little doubt that its communications with the Ontario and Erie will be found to be very practicable, the whole form- ing a route which in, all respects, may annihilate the political conse- quence of Niagara and Lake Erie. . . . My ideas, at present are to assemble the new corps, artificers, etc., at Cataraqui (Kingston), and to take its present garrison and visit Toronto and the heads of La Tranche, to pass down that river to Detroit, and early in the spring to occupy such a central position as shall be previously chosen for the capitaL"
The Governor had doubUess a busy winter in Newark, his tem- porary capital, during the first year; but he was laying his plans for the future. In a letter to the Colonial Office of April 28th, 1792, he writes:
'^ Toronto appears to be the natural arsenal of Lake Ontario, and to afford easy access overland to Lake Huron. The River La Tranche, near the navigable head of which I propose to establish the capital, by what I can gather from the few people who have visited it, will afford a safe, more certain, and I am inclined to think by taking advantage of the season, a less expensive route to Detroit than that of Niagara.''
Again, on the 30th of August, he announces his intention of estab- lishing himself at the forks of La Tranche in the spring following. It was in a proclamation issued this year that he christened the river the Thames.
The spring of 1793 came; and as a first step towards locating him- self midway between the Niagara and Detroit Rivers, he made a trip
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across the peninsula. It required two months for the journey; and that without any unnecessary delay at any point. His Secretary, Major Littlehale, kept a diary which was published in a pamphlet by Dr. Seadding some years ago. A portion of the original manuscript is in possession of the family of the late Mr. Shanly of this city.
It is not possible to map out with precision the route of this first British journey of exploration across the southwestern peninsula of Oictario. There were no cities to be seen ; few settlements to be visited. The major does not seem to have taken any observations of latitude or longitude; and his references to points which were considered of interest are not always sufficiently clear for us to identify them; nor are the descriptions we get of the physical aspect of the country as exact as a scientific observer would make.
Speaking in general terms, and using the well-known names of places not then existant, we may say that, leaving Newark on the 4th of February, 1793, the governor and his party went by way of St. Catharines, Hamilton, Brantford and Woodstock, following a line from there south of the south branch of the Thames through Westminister Township to Delaware. Here they took, to the ice on the river for a short distance; returning to terra firma they passed through the newly- established Moravian Missions to Dolson's, near Chatham, and from there to Detroit by canoe. Returning from Detroit the Governor retraced his steps to Delaware, and on Saturday, the 2nd of March, came to the forks of the Thames. Here I give the record in full : —
''March 2nd. We struck the Thames at one end of a low, fiat island, enveloped with shrubs and trees. The rapidity and strength of tiie current were such as to have forced a channel through the main- land, being a peninsula, and to have formed the island. The Qovemor wished to examine the situation and its environs, and therefore remained here all day. He judged it to be a situation eminently cal- ealated for the metropolis of all Canada. Among many other essentials it possesses the following advantages: command of territory, internal situation^ central position, facility of water communication up and down the Thames into Lakes St. Clair, Erie, Huron and Superior, and for small craft to probably near the Moravian settlement ; to the north- ward by a small portage to the waters flowing into Lake Huron ; to the southeast by a canning place into Lake Ontario and the River St. Lawrence; the soil luxuriantly fertile; the land rich and capable of being easily cleared and soon put into a state of agriculture ; a pinery upon the adjacent high knoll, and other timber on the heights, well calculated for the erection of public buildings; a climate not inferior
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to auy part of Canada. To these natural advantages, an object of great consideration is to be added; that the enormous expense of the Indian department would be greatly diminished, if not abolished. The Indians would, in all probability be induced to become the carriers of their own peltries; and they would find a ready, continuous, commodious and equitable mart, honorably advantageous to the Qovemment, and the community generally, without their becoming a prey to the mono- polizing and unprincipled trader.
"March 3rd. We were glad to leave our wigwam early this morn- ing, it having rained incessantly the whole night; besides, the hemlock branches upon which we slept were wet before they were gathered for our use. We first ascended the height at least 120 feet, into a continua- tion of the pinery already mentioned; quitting that we came to a beautiful plain, with detached clumps of white oak and open woods, then crossing a thicS swampy wood, we were at a loss to discover any track ; but in a few moments we were released from this dilemma by the Indians, who, making a cast, soon discovered our old path to Detroit."
Analyzing the record in the diary, we should infer that the Gover- nor coming from Detroit, south of the Thames, struck the river at what is now called "The Cove." The stream had here made a sharp curve to the south, then west, then north, near where the curve began, thus forming a peninsula. During a heavy flood its waters had cut across the neck of the peninsula, and formed an island. How long that was before the Governor's visit we cannot tell. Spending the night at the Porks, probably where the bowling club ^grounds are situated, he turned southward, climbing the high bank at the Ridgeway near Becher Street, which seems to have been covered with pines. Going south, in order to strike the trail by which he had passed to Detroit the previous month, he found a plain with clumps of white oak, then a swampy wood, and finally came to the site of his former encampm^it on the 14th of February, which, as we learn from an earlier part ot the diary, was at an Indian village, some four miles distant from two little lakes, presumably the ponds well known, between the second and third concession of Westminster.
During the summer the Governor sent Mr. McNiflE to make a survey of the Forks, and in forwarding this to Mr. Dundas on the 30th of September, he wrote :
"The tract of country which lies between the river (or rather, navigable canal, as its Indian name and French translation import), and Lake Erie, is one of the finest for all agricultural purposes in North America, and far exceeds the soil or climate of the Atlantic States.
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There are few or no interjacent swamps, and a variety of useful streams empty themselves into the lake or the river. . . They lead to the propriety of establishing a capital of Upper Canada, which may be somewhat distant from the centre of the colony. . . The capital I propose to be established at new London.''
The settlement of the peninsula, at first confined to the lake shore and the river bank, now began moving to the interior. A treaty with the Indians, dated May 22nd, 1784, had secured for the new settlers a legitimate title to their lands. The earliest pioneers in our own neigh- borhood appear to have located at Delaware. James R. Brown, of Edinburgh, who published his ''Views of Canada and the Colonists," in 1844, and who claimed to have his information direct from some of the original settlers, tells us that: Shortly after the landing of the U. E. Loyalists in the Niagara District, a party of them left Ancaster for the West, with tobacco, whisky, calico, knives and trinkets for the Indian trade. Striking La Tranche, about the present site of Woodstock, they took canoes and followed the river down past the forks, and camped near the present viUage of Delaware, making it the headquarters of their trafSc with the Indians. The location pleased them, and they sent word back to their friends in Ancaster, some of whom speedily joined them, and the foundation of the first settlement was made. More precise knowledge of Delaware refers to a later period, when Ctovemor Simcoe, following his regular policy of encouraging settlement, made a number of grants of land — including one of two thousand acres to B. Allen, on condition that he would erect a grist mill. This was com- menced in 1797, on Dingman's Creek; but before he finished it Allen had to go to jail for counterfeiting. He seems to have been an energetic person, but not an exemplary citizen. A post office was established at Delaware, with Dan Springer for Postmaster. This was, at the time, the only post office between Niagara and Detroit.
The name London was connected with this locality at an early period in its history. At first it was applied only to the Governor's town site, but later to a distinct section of country. In 1787 Lord Dorchester divided Upper Canada* into four districts, named from west to east, Hesse, Nassau, MecUenberg, and Lunenberg. A few years later (1792) this intensely German momendature was dropped by Gov. Simcoe, and they were called Western, Home, Midland and Eastern. Subsequently there was a rearrangement : 38 Gteorge III., chap. 5, passed in 1789, divided up the province into nine districts — Western, London, Gore, Niagara, Home, Midland, Newcastle, Johnston and Eastern. These districts were subdivided into counties or "circles," though the
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latter title appears to have been used only in some official documents. Section 36 of the Act gives the coimty of Middlesex as made up of the townships of London, Westminster, Dorchester, Yarmouth, Southwold, Dunwich, Aldboro and Delaware. In 1821, Lobo, Mosa, Ekfrid and Caradoc were added to Middlesex, and McGillivray and Biddulph in in 1865. The southern townships were formed into the county of Elgin in 1852.
Townships at first were numbered, but names soon took the place of numbers ; and the one laid out at the forks of the Thames and north of its south branch was called London.
The most extensive grants of land in the peninsula were made to Col. Talbot, who located not far from Port Stanley in 1803— Lord Dur- ham's celebrated report credits him with having received 48,500 acres. North of London township the Canada Company controlled the land; at the western extremity of the peninsula Col. Baby had a large section ; while east of London, Reynolds, Ingersoll and Nelles had extenBive grants. And throughout the peninsula the hardy pioneer entered and took possession.
But the site of the Qovemor's capital remained vacant. That, how- ever, was not his fault. Reading Canadian history casually, one might get the idea that he changed his mind and selected Toronto. As a mat- ter of fact he never changed. His correspondence with the home office shows this clearly.
I have given an extract from his letter to Mr. Dundas in 1793, inclosing McNiflE's survey, October 23rd, of the 'same year, he urges upon the imperial authorities the advisability of at once occupying London in the public interests; and in December he advises that the troops should be removed from Detroit — one-half to be located at Chatham, which he had selected for his future navy yard, and the rest sent to London.
A letter which he received from Dundas, dated March 16th, 1794, showed that the (Government approved of his ideas as to the future capital, and he was told that the Governor-General, Lord Dorchester, had been instructed to raise two batallions of 700 men each, and from these he would receive a sufficient detachment to garrison his proposed post on the Thames and his capital city.
In all his correspondence up to the date of his removal from Can- ada, Simcoe persistently clung to the idea of founding his capital on the Thames. Even after buildings had been erected at York, or Toronto, for Government purposes, he would only consider them as temporary works, and in one letter we find him suggesting that, ** should the seat
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of Qovemment be trangferred to the Thames, the proper place, the buildings and grounds at York can be sold to lessen or liquidate the cost of their construction." (Letter to Portland, February 27th, 1796). He left the country this year, and his successor in the administration — Peter Bussell — ^inherited his views, speaking in his reports to England of York as **The temporary seat of Government;" until Portland in September, 1797, gave him to distinctly understand that the matter was finally settled and that ''the selection of York had been made on mature reflection."
The trouble was that Simcoe was only Lieut.-Qovernor of Upper Canada, while Lord Dorchester was Governor-General of the entire colony, though Simcoe had great difficulty in realizing his subordinate position. He was in the west, and thought he knew the requirements of his own province; but Dorchester, who lived in Lower Canada, could not see the wisdom of placing the capital of Upper Canada- so far away, and preferred to have it in a place more accessible by water from Mon- treal and Quebec. So he decided on York, and the home Government very naturally accepted the view of their chief officer in the colony. But Londoners may well bear in grateful recollection the first governor of our province, who could see no place to equal ''Georgina-upon-the- Thames," as he was once inclined to name it, or London as it has ever since been known.
And so, while all around, farms were being located, and the lands being cleared, London remained in primeval beauty. George Heriot, Deputy Postmaster General of British North America, who saw it about 1807, writes of it in his ** Travels through Canada." Coming eastward from Detroit up the valley of the Thames he pictures the country for us:
"In proceeding upward, the sinuosities of the river are frequent, and the summits of the banks rather elevated, but not broken. On either sides are villages of the Delawares and Chippewas. Somewhat higher up at the confluence of the two forks of the river, is the site of which Governor Simcoe made choice for a town to be named London. Its position with relation to Lakes Huron, Erie and Ontario is central, and around it is a fertile and inviting tract of country. It communi- cates with Lake Huron by a northern or main branch of the same river and a small portage or carrying place.
"Along the banks of the Thames are several rich settlements, and new establishments are every week added to this as well as to other parts of the neighboring country by the immigration of wealthy farm- ers from the United States.
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''On the east side of the forks, between the two main branches, on a regular eminence, about forty feet above the water, there is a natural plain denuded of wood except where small groves are interspersed, affording in its present state the appearance of a beautiful park on whose formation and culture taste and expense have been bestowed."
The war of 1812-15, though it moved over the western peninsula, found London still the natural park that Heriot described, and left it unstained by blood of friend or foe. A sharp skirmish occurred a few miles west. Lieut.-Govemor Sir (Gordon Drummond had established a military post at Delaware, and from it a sortie of 240 men under Captain Basden was made against a United States post at Longwoods, on March 3rd, 1814. Our troops did not succeed in capturing the post attacked, but the United States Commandant evidently found the neighborhood too warm for comfort and retreated to Detroit. The Delaware post was strengthened during the summer by the addition of some light infantry and a party of dragoons, but there was no more fighting.
At the close of the war the surrounding townships began to fill up more rapidly with settlers. What is now Middlesex, had been generally surveyed and lands granted. The earliest settlers in Middlesex and Elgin were doubtless those who came through the instrumentality of Col. Talbot Here are a few of the names : Daniel Springer, R. B. Bing- ham, Timothy Kilboum, Joseph Odell, Andrew Banghart, Seth Put- nam, Mahlon Burwell, Jas. Nevills, Jacabus Schenck, Leslie Patterson, Sylvanus Reynolds, William Orr, Henry Cook, Samuel Hunt, Richard Williams, Peter Teeple, John Aikens, Maurice Sovereign, Henry Daniels, James Smiley and Abraham Hoover.
Westminster had been surveyed by Watson in 1809-10, and we find the Odells there in 1810, Norton in 1810 and Griffith and Patrick in 1812. George Ward purchased land from the Indians in 1810; his name is familiar to us in connection with Wardsville. About the same time A. McMillan settled in Byron. Nissouri was surveyed in 1818, and its settlement began with the McGuffins, Vinings, Hardys and S atch- erds.
Prior to 1818 London township had very few families, but in that year a large addition was made. Richard Talbot, an Irish gentleman, received a large grant from the Imperial Government — a condition being that he should bring out at least sixty adults. To insure the stability of the new settlement each man was required to advance 50 pounds, which was to be returned to him as soon as he had built a log house. On the way out some dropped from the ranks at Kingston, but about forty families came on to London. Among them were: Richard
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Talbot, John and Edward Talbot, William Gerrie, Thomas Brooks, Peter Bogers, Thomas Onest, Frank Lewis, Benjamin Lewis, William Haskett, William Mocmey, William Evans, William O'Neil, Edmund Stoney, Joseph O'Brien, Geo. Foster, Thos. and James Howay, John Phalen, Jos. Hardy, John Grey, Jos. Eeays, Bobt. Balph, John Sifton and Thos. Howard.
Probably the nearest settler to the site of London was John Apple- garth, who aboat 1816 commenced cultiyating hemp, an industry which was at that time encouraged by money grants from the English Govem- ment. He located on a ridge east of Mount Pleasant Cemetery and built a log cabin. He was not very successful, however, and shortly after moved south to the neighborhood now occupied by Mr. A. C. Johnstone; and his deserted cabin fell into the occupation of some squatters. There was no bridge over the river at this time, but a canoe ferry, a short distance below the forks, served the purpose of ccmi- numieation.
During this period the official centre of the London District was €tt to ome side, at Yittoria, about six miles south of the present town of Simeoe, and fifty miles in a straight line irom the forks. A court house had been erected in that village, and the district school was also located there. It had been started at Charlotteville in 1807 ; John Mitchell, who had come from Scotland to act as tutor for Col. Hamilton's children, secured two lots, and in a small building opened the school. It was removed to Yittoria shortly after. Mitchell was made a judge in 1819, and remained on the bench until 1844.
Great inconvenience was experienced by the residents of the dis- trict in their enforced attendance at Yittoria. They had now reached a very respectable number. Gourlay's statistics, in 1817, places them at 8,907, while Fothergill's record in 1825 showed an increase to 12,351. The roads were not of the best. By an act passed in 1793, every settler was required to clear a road across his own lot; but as crown lands and dergy reserves came between lots, the road often began on one side of a man's farm and ended on the other. Of course there was the Govern- ment road, running westward from York, which had been originated by Governor Simeoe. Col. Talbot was also engaged in constructing Talbot Street through his own settlement. But the facilities for travel were primitive at the best. And when the court house in Yittoria was burned in 1825, the people of Middlesex made a vigorous effort to remove the headquarters of the district to a more convenient locality. Especially persistent in their labours to this end were Charles Ingersoll and Peter Teeple, of Oxford ; M. Homer, of Blenheim ; Dan Springer, of Delaware,
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and Ira Schofield, of London township — leading merchants and magis- trates of this section. They were determined, if possible, to have the seat of Qovemment transferred from Yittoria to London; and though they met with considerable opposition, especially from the southern townships, they were finally successful.
On the 30th of January, 1826, an act was passed by the Provincial Parliament, ((}eorge IV., chapter XIII) ''to establish the district town of London in a more central position." After reciting the burning of the court house in Yittoria, and noting the inconvenient location of that place for the business of the district, it declares that ''it is expedi- ent to establish the district town at the reservation heretofore made for a town near the forks of the River Thames, in the townships of London and Westminster;" and orders that "the court of quarter sessions fcnr the peace, and the district courts in and for said district, shall be holden and assembled within some part of the reservation ... so soon as a jail and court house shall be erected thereon;" and in the mean- time at such place as the sheriff may appoint.
The original reservation made by Simcoe appeals to have extended to the 3rd concession, London, north of London West, and south to the present southern limit of the city in Westminster, all the lots in this spaoe having been laid out in park lots. The grants to settlers in the vicinity had, however, encroached somewhat on the limits of the reservation.
Another act, passed at the same session (Chap. XIY.), makes pro- vi(non for the survey of the town and the building of the court house. The first section provides that "a town shall be layed out and surveyed under the direction of the Surveyor-General within the reservation heretofore made for a town near the forks of the Thames in the town- ships of London and Westminster, in the county of Middlesex in the said district of London, and a plan thereof shall be furnished by the said Surveyor-General to the commissioners hereinafter named; and in the said plan or survey a tract of space of not less than four acres shall be designated as reserved for the purposes of a court house and jail."
Section 2 appoints Hon. Thomas Talbot, Mahlon Burwell, James Hamilton, Charles IngersoU and John Matthews, of Lobo, as commis- sioners, for erecting the court house and jail.
Section 3 authorises the justices of the peace to levy by assessment on every inhabitant householder in the district, an additional rate of one-third of a penny in the pound to defray the cost of building. Sec- tion 4 gives the commission power in the meantime to borrow not more than 4,000 pounds, at interest not exceeding 6 per cent.
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Section 5 requires the commiasioners to meet at St Thomas, on the first Monday in March, 1826, and organize by the election of a presi- dent and secretary.
The first step taken under the acts above cited was the appoint- ment of Mr. Mahlon Burwell to make the survey of the proposed town. The plan in the Crown Lands Department, Toronto, a copy of which I have here, shows that it contained about 240 acres. The river formed the southern and western boundaries of the town ; to the east it extended as far as Wellington Street; on the north it was bounded by North Street or Queen's Avenue, as it is now called. North Street, however, did not run in a straight line; a short distance west of Richmond the line of survey turned southwest, striking what is now Carling Street, about where the police court stands, and running from thence direct to the river. This was owing to the fact that the land to the northwest of this jog was part of the Kent farm, which extended westward over the river. The land along the river bank was not surveyed into lots, but was left as a strip of meadow surrounding the town plot on two sides, and varying from one to six chains in width. It is evident, from an inspection of the map, that there were a number of small streams in the locality, all signs of which have long since disappeared. The most important commenced on York Street, probably beyond the town boundary, and running south and west, entered into the river near the foot of Bathurst Street. It was subsequently converted into a covered drain, which the older property holders of that section can well remember.
In selecting names for the streets, the surveyor chose some well- known to the people of the colony at that time. North and South Streets appropriately marked the boundaries of the town in those two directions, while Thames Street was but a proper compliment to the river which ran near by. Loyalty was satisfied by naming one street King and giving two others to members of the royal family — the Dukes of York and Clarence, Dundas, Bathurst, Horton and Orey were called after British ministers, whose departmental duties had brought them into frequ^it contact with Canadian affairs. The Duke of Wellington was complimented by having one street named after him, and another. Hill, for his mother. Simcoe Street kept in memory the name of the first Lieutenant-Governor of Upper Canada, while the name of the pop- ular Governor-General, the Duke of Richmond, whose sad death from hydrophobia in 1819, created a melancholy interest throughout the country, was given to what is now one of our leading thoroughfares. Two streets were named after local celebrities — Col. Talbot, the
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uncrowned king of the country, and Thomas Ridout, Surveyor-General of Upper Canada, or possibly his son, equally well-known in London.
The first man to move into the new town was a Scotch tailor, Peter MacGregor, who came in from the neighborhood of Byron, and took up a lot (21 S. King), on which he erected a little shanty to serve the pur- pose of a hotel. He wanted to be on hand to provide for the comforts of the London pioneers; though the first provision seems to have been little more than a jug of whiskey on the stump of a tree at the front door. His wife, formerly a Miss Poole, of Westminster, was an energetie* bustling woman, and developed the hotel business as rapidly as she could — though for some time the accommodation was limited; and when there was an infiuz of visitors at the first courts holden in town, most of them, we are told, had to go some three miles to Flanagan's to find shelter. This first house built in London was situated on the south side of King Street, a short distance west of Ridout. MacGregor did not obtain a patent from the crown for some years — ^the record in the registry office giving the date as July 25th, 1831. It was the lot on which now stands the Grand Central Hotel. The first lot patented was by J. O. Goodhue, the pioneer merchant, who received his deed for lot 20, N. Dundas Street, being half an acre on the corner of Dundas and Ridout Streets, on September 11th, 1830. He had, however, commenced business before that date, in fact, he seems to have opened his store in 1826 — the same year in which MacGregor arrived. Other lots were rapidly taken up and a number of settlers made the new town their home.
The commission appointed to attend to the erection of the court house met in St. Thomas, in March, 1826, and commenced their work as speedily as possible. The plan of the building is said to have been in imitation of one of the baronial homes of Great Britain, and was adopted more as a compliment to Col. Talbot than with any view to public convenience. At first, a temporary building was constructed on the northeast comer of Dundas and Ridout Streets, and in this the first Court of Quarter Sessions was held January 9th, 1827, Col. Ryerse being chairman of the bench of magistrates. It was scarcely completed before it was required. Thomas Pomeroy, a sheriflf's officer, was murdered, and his murderer tried, found guilty, and hanged in three days after sentence was pronounced. It was not convenient to keep a prisoner any length of time in these primitive jails.
In the Gore Gazette of July 31, 1827, a paper published by Geo. Gumett, Ancaster, appears a letter from a traveller who had visited London during the holding of a court, and who tells a very amusing
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story of a trial for assault made by a little Irish pensioner on a big Yankee from Delaware, who had offended the loyalty of the Irishman by some insulting remarks, and received a blow on the mouth, which knocked out some of his teeth. The fiery pensioner was defended by Mr. TenBrock in an eloquent si)eech, and was sentenced to a fine of one shilling. The writer says :
"I was much pleased with the delightful situation of the town, commanding as it does a most extensive view of the richest, most fer- tile, and most thickly settled part of the province ; as well as a delight- ful prospect of both branches of the picturesque river Thames. The new court house, which is to be a fine building in the gothic style, 100 feet long, 50 feet wide and 50 feet high, having an octagon tower fourteen feet in diameter at each of its angles, is now building by Mr. Edward, an architect of first-rate ability. The house in which the law eourts are now held is a building erected by subscription, and eventually intended for the district school-house."
The new court house was built by Mr. John Ewart of Toronto. Thomas Park, father of the late Police Magistrate, was his foreman, or partner, and had charge of the wark. He became a citizen of the new town. One of the employees was Robert Carfrae, whose widow died on Carfrae Street a few years ago. The brick for the building, as I am informed by Hon. Freeman Talbot, was manufactured by a Toronto man, William Hale, who also became a resident of London. There were two brickyards, one at the rear of the present Robinson Hall, and the other in London West, on land subsequently belonging to Walter Nixon. As soon as preparations were commenced for the building of the court house and goal, a post office was opened, >vith Major Ira Scho- fidd as Postmaster. The office was kept in a little log house on Dundas Street. As near as I can discover, its site would be about the Queen's Avenue entrance to the Sacred Heart Academy, between Colbome and Maitland Streets.
Thus the beginning of London centred in a tavern, a goal and a port office. Churches came later; for the pioneer clergymen held ser- vices in private houses. And three or four years elapsed before any building was erected for religious worship.
When the court house was completed, the temporary building was converted into a school-house, according to the original intention; and Peter Van Every, jr., who had been acting as jailer, became the first schoolmaster. The early teachers in Upper Canada, it is said, were largely recruited from the ranks of retired soldiers, and were mostly Irish. I am not sure whether Van Every was an Irishman or not; his name is not good Irish, at all events.
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The construction of the court house definitely marked the founda- tion of London ; though, at first, it was not a distinct municipality, and its officials exercised their authority over a larger tract of country than the few acres of which the new tovm was composed. Of the firtt set- tlers, some like Parke, and Carfrae, and Hale, came in connection with the building of the court house; some, like John TenBrock, a lawyer, who came from Long Point to practice in the courts. Others came to Lon- don as a suitable place from which to supply the wants of the people of the surrounding country, at that time the most important element in population of this section.
Peter McGregor's little pioneer hotel soon took second place, for in 1828 Abraham Carroll built the Mansion House on the north side of Dundas Street, east of Ridout, a more pretentious establishment, and one which provided ample accommodation for the travelling public for many years. Mr. Goodhue's store was the general emporium, which supplied the material needs of the community as well as any of our modern departmental stores. Bev. E. J. Boswell came as a Church of England Clergyman in 1829; though Rev. Mr. McLatosh, of Kettle Creek, held occasional services before that date. Mr. TenBrock waa the pioneer lawyer; and Dr. Arch Chisholm the first physician.
The first officials, as near as I can find, were the following: Sheriif, Daniel Rappalge; judge, James Mitchell; clerk of the peace, John B. Askin; deputy clerk, William King Cornish; high constable, John O'Neil; jailer, Samuel Park; court crier, Gideon Bostwick; registrar, Mahlon Burwell; treasurer, John Harris.
For the first few years London did not seem to grow very rapidly, though all circumstances were radiant with hope for its future. Andrew Picken's book ''The Canadas," published in England in 1832, has this to say of it as it appeared in 1829 :
''London is yet but inconsiderable; but from its position in the heart of a fertile country, is likely to become of some importance here- after, when the extreme wild becomes more settled. The town is quite new, not containing above 40 or 50 houses, all of bright boards and shingles. The streets and gardens are full of black stumps, etc. They were building a church, and had finished a handsome gothic court house."
Such was the beginning of London. This is not the place to trace its development to its present condition ; or to forecast its future. The population represented at the beginning, by Peter McGregor and his wife, has increased to 50,000. The area of 240 acres in the first survey, has broadened to 4,500. The nominal value of the original site has
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advaneed to $30,000,000. The beginnixig of London was humble; its growth has been steady; its condition is prosperous; its future is brif^t ; and the most sanguine hopes of its loyal citiiens will doubtless, in due time, be realised.
VII.
AN EPISODE OP THE WAR OP 1812. THE STORY OP THE SCHOONER '*NANCT."
Bt Libut.-Cch^ E. Cbuikbhank.
In the summer of 1789, the firm of Porsyth, Richardson ft Co., fur merehants of Montreal, undertook the construction of a schooner for the navigation of the upper Idces. As I have related in a former paper, J(din Richardson, one of the partners, went to Detroit to superintend the work, in which he was deeply interepted.
"The schooner," he wrote on the 23rd September, 1789, ''will be a perfect mast^piece of workmanship and beauty. The expense to us win be great, but there will be the satisfaction of her being strong and very durable. Her floor timbers, keel, keelson, stem, and lower uttock are oak. The transom, stem-post, upper uttocks, top timbers, beams and knees are all red cedar. She will carry 350 barrels."
He ordered a suitable figure-head of "a lady dressed in the pre- set fashion with a hat and feather" from the carver Skelling of New York. The schooner was launched on the 24th September, 1789, **a most beautiful and substantial vessel," and in the spring following made her first voyage from Detroit to Port Erie, whence she sailed upwards in June with a full cargo, bound for the Grand Portage at Ssult Ste. Marie, with the intention of visiting Mackinac on her way back.
**She is spoken of here," Richardson wrote from Niagara, **in such a high strain of encomium as to beauty, stowage, and sailing, that she almost exceeds my expectations."
By 1793, the Nancy had become the property of George Leith Co., and is described as being of sixty-seven tons burden. Sometime before the end of the century, she passed into the possession of the Northwest Pur Company, by whom she was employed in the transportation of furs and merchandise on Lakes Erie, Huron and Michigan. In 1805
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she was navigated by Capt. Wm. Mills, who had some years before owned her in connection with Forsyth, Richardson and Sir Alexander Mackenzie of Montreal.
In a list of merchant vessels prepared early in 1812 by Colonel Matthew Elliott for the information of Major-General Brock, the Nancy is described as a schooner of about one hundred tons, lying at Mcintosh's wharf, at Moy, opposite Detroit.
On July Ist, 1812, when the declaration of war by the United States became known to Lieutenant-Colonel St. (George, the commandant of the British Garrison at Amherstburg, she was still lying at Moy wait- ing for a favorable wind to carry her into Lake Huron, and he at once ordered her to be brought down under the guns of that post to secure her from capture. Some light brass guns with which she had been armed were mounted in row-boats to patrol the river, and the schooner was impressed into the government service as a transport. On July 30 she sailed for Fort Erie under c<mvoy of the Provineial schooner. Lady Prevost. Five days later she left Fort Erie on her return voyage, in company with the armed brig General Hunter, having on board sixty soldiers of the 41st Regiment and a quantity of military stores. The timely arrival of this small reinforcement had considerable weight among the reasons which induced (General Hull to evacuate Canada.
During the summer and autumn of that year the Nancy was con- stantly employed in the important service of transporting troops, stores, and provisions between Detroit and Fort Erie.
On April 23rd, 1813, she was included itt the small squadron assembled to transport General Procter's division from Amherstburg to Miami Bay, to undertake the siege of Fort Meigs.
The next recorded incident in her history is narrated in a letter from her commander, Captain Alexander Mcintosh, to Captain Richard Bullock of the 41st Regiment, commanding the garrison at Mackinac, dated **5 mUes from St. Joseph's,'' on the 16th of October, 1813. On the 4th of that month he had sailed from St. Joseph's for Amherstburg to obtain a much needed supply of provisions, and arrived at the mouth of the St. Clair river on the following afternoon when he sent two men ashore to ascertain whether it would be safe for him to enter the river. As they were prevented from returning by rough water, he decided to venture as far as the foot of the rapids. There he learned that the whole of the British squadron on Lake Erie had been taken and that the Am^cans were in possession of Detroit and Amherstburg. It was also reported that two of their armed schooners and two gun-boats were awaiting his appearance in the river below.
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''Next day about noon/' Captain Mcintosh wrote, ''a white flag was seen coming towards us in a canoe. About half an hour after- wards I was hailed from the shore l^ a Canadian, ordering me to give up the Yeaael and that my property, as also that of the crew, should be respected* I went ashore to see who this man was. It was Lieutenant- Colonel Beaubien, of the militia, who wished me to surrender the vessel to him, repeating what he had already said. I told him I would give an answer in an hour's time. I immediately went back and got all ready to defend the vessel. After the time had elapsed I went to him, gave him my answer, which was that I would defend the vessel until necessity com- pdkd me to give her up, and that if the wind proved strong enou^^ I would attempt going back to the lake. He then replied, 'We shall fire on you.' I asked what number of men he had. 'Fifty,' was his answer. I returned to the vessel, made sail and was fishing the anchor when they commenced firing. I returned the fire as quickly as I received it, which continued for a quarter of an hour or more. They then ceased, whetlier from want of ammunition or that we had killed any, I know not. During the action I was placed at the helm and exposed to the whole of their fire, but luckily escaped. . Several shots struck the main boom and railing. No person was injured from their fire, but the blow- ing up of a couple of cartridges burnt one of the men severely on the face and hands. Whether it was from a piece of the cartridge or their fire, our main sail was biasing which was no sooner seen than extin- guidied. During the engagement my men behaved with the greatest coohiesB, and I cannot say too much for them. We were all this time sailing with a very light breese but not sufBciently strong to ascend the rapids. That night I received a letter from the same Lieutenant- Colonel, repeating what he had already said. I returned no reply. This was brought by Beaume, who is now with Mr. D. Mitchell, prisoners of war, they having gone ashore the morning of the action. Next morning at daylight we got under weigh. At 8 a.m. (we) entered the lake on which we have been fighting the elements these nine days, twice nar- rowly escaping going ashore."
As early as the 3rd of October, Captain Bullock had received information of the disastrous result of the battle on Lake Brie from Major-Gteneral Proctor, who informed him that he had already recom- mended that supplies for his garrison should be forwarded from York to Machedash Bay. His stock of provisions was then nearly exhausted, but by purchasing everything that could be obtained in the small set- tlements on the mainland he succeeded in laying in enough to keep bis men until February. The Nancy arrived on the 18th with her sails
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and cables so badly damaged as to render her unfit to navigate the lake during the storm of autumn, and Captain Mcintosh determined to take her to the Northwest Company's post, at Sault Ste. Marie, in the hope of procuring the necessary materials to refit her during the winter. Before he sailed, Robert Dickson, Agent for the Western Indians, arrived from Machedash on his way to Prairie du Ghien. After con- sulting with him, Bullock proposed that six gun-boats should be built at Machedash to keep open the oommunicaticm and protect supplies on their way to Mackinac, and requested that the garrison should be re- inforced early in the spring by t¥renty artillerym^i and two hundred infantry with four field guns. An oflSow and twenty-seven men of the Michigan Fencibles were at <mee detached witii Mr. Dickson to estaUidi a post at Green Bay and tiie remainder of the garrison was put on short raticms.
Continued stormy weather made it impossible to send forward any 8iq>plies from Madiedadi before navigation dosed, but it also pre- vented the American squadron from Altering Lake Huron to und^- i$ke the reducti(m of Mackinac as had been at first intended.
The Qovemor-Oenoral was, however, fuUy iii^>re88ed with the great importance of maintaining possession of that place, and lost no time in preparing a small f(Hree for its relief as soon as the lake again became navigaUe.
''Its geographical position is admirable," he wrote to Lord Bath- urst. "Its influence extends and is tAt amongst the Indian tribes at New Orieans and the Pacific Ocean; vast tracts of country look to it for protection and supplies, and it gives security to the great estab- lishments of the Northwest and Hudson's Bay Companies by supportin^^ the Indians on the Mississippi ; the only barrier which interposes betwe^i them and the enemy, and which if once forced (an ev^it which latdy seemed probable), their progress into the heart of these Companies' settlements by the Red River is practicable and would liable them to execute their long-formed project of monopolizing the whole fur trade into their own hands. From these observations, your Lordship will be enabled to judge how necessary the possession of this valuable post on the outskirts of these extensive provinces is becoming to their future security and protection.''
The failure to forward supplies caused him considerable uneasi- ness, but having been informed that there were some cattle and a quantity of potatoes on the island he anticipated that the garrison would be able to subsist until spring. Their stock of provisions might be increased considerably by fidiing.
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Lieutenant-Colonel Robert McDouall, of the Glengarry Light Infan- try, an officer of tried courage and discretion, was selected for the com- mand of this expedition. About the end of February, 1814, McDouall qpoflpcd Lake Simcoe on the ice, following the Nine Mile Portage from K^npenf eldt Bay to the head waters of the Nottawasaga River, where he was directed to select a suitable place for building the necessary boats for the conveyance of troops and stores across Lake Huron. He was accompanied by a party of shipwrights, twenty-one seamen, eleven artillerymen in charge of four field guns, and two companies of the Boyal Newfoundland Regiment, many of whom were expert boatmen. Amum^h this route had the merit of being diorter than that by way of Machedash, yet it was less known and much obstructed by rocks and shoals which in many places rendered the channel so narrow that noth- ing larger than batteaux could pass. Favored by the unusual mildness of the season, McDouall began the descent of the river on the nineteenth of April, with thirty batteaux of the largest class, heavily loaded with provision and^ military stores. Six days later, he sailed from its mouth, and after an extremely hazardous and stormy voyage, arrived at Maekinac, on May 18th, with the loss of but a single boat, the crew and cargo of which were saved.
''The difficulties which were experienced in conducting open and deeply-laden batteaux across so great an extent of water as Lake Huron, covered with immense fields of ice and agitated by violent gales of wind,'* Prevost wrote to Lord Bathurst, ** could only have been sur- mounted by the zeal, perseverance, and ability of the officer command- ing the expedition. For nineteen days it was nearly one continued struggle with the elements, during which the dangers, hardships, and privations to which the men were exposed were sufficient to discourage the boldest amongst them, and at times threatened the destruction of the flotilla."
Dickson arrived at Mackinac a few da3rs later, bringing with him two hundred picked warriors, and every effort was made to strengthen the defences of the island. It was proposed that the Nancy should be eut down to the dimensions of a gunboat and armed with the guns brought from the Nottawasaga, but as it was evident that she could not keep the lake in the face of the overwhelming force which the enemy could bring up from Lake Erie, McDouall became satisfied that he could make better use of these guns on shore and she was accordingly retained in service as a transport and sent away for a cargo of supplies.
On June 21st information was received that the trading post of Prairie du Chien, where Dickson had established his headquarters
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during the winter, had been taken by a large force under the command of General William Clark, Governor of the Missouri Territory, which had ascended the Mississippi in boats from St. Louis, and next day a Winnebagoe chief came in to demand assistance, relating that besides several Indians of his own tribe, the wife of Wabash, a leading Sioux chief, who was then at Mackinac on his way home from Quebec, had been murdered in cold blood. This news caused an irresistible outcry for vengeance from the Indians who demanded to be led against the enemy without delay.
**I saw at once the imperious necessity which existed of endeavor- ing by every means to dislodge the American general from his new conquest and make him relinquish the immense tract of country he had seized upon in consequence and which brought him into the very heart of that occupied by our friendly Indians," McDouall wrote. "There was no alternative, it must either be done or there was an end to our connection with the Indians, for if allowed to settle themselves in place by dint of threats, bribes, and sowing divisions among them, tribe after tribe would be gained over or subdued and thus would be destroyed the only barrier which protects the great trading establishments of the Northwest and the Hudson's Bay Company."
He, therefore, promptly decided to attempt the recovery of Prairie du Chien at the manifest risk of imperilling his own position by greatly weakening his garrison. A company of sixty-three volunteers was enrolled in forty-eight hours. Sergeant Keating of the Royal Artillery, with a sergeant and thirteen men of the Michigan Fencibles, was put in charge of a field gun and the whole of the Sioux and Win- nebagoe warriors on the island, 155 in number, were detailed to accom- pany them. The expedition set off on its voyage of more than six hun- dred miles on the seventh day after the news had been received under command of lilajor William McKay, a veteran fur trader. At Green Bay, ilcKay was joined by a second company of volunteers, which increased his white force to one hundred and twenty men, and during his advance by way of the Fox and Wisconsin Rivers, the number of his Indians was gradually argumented to 450. The journey was accom- plished in nineteen days, and on the 17th of July, McKay unexpectedly invested the American Fort at Prairie du Chien, which was surrendered forty-eight hours afterwards by its garrison of three officers and seventy- one men of the regular army.
Meanwhile, a formidable expedition for the recovery of Mackinac had been organized at Detroit. The land force consisted of a detach- ment of United States Artillery, with several field guns and howitzers.
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a battalion of regular infantry, composed of picked companies from the 17th, 19th and 24th regiments, and a battalion of Ohio Volunteers, numbmng in all nearly a thousand men. Lieutenant-Colonel Qeorge Groghan, who had gained much reputation among his countrymen by his successful defence of Fort Stephenson, was selected for the command of these troops, and Major A. H. Holmes, who had lately conducted a vigorous raid from Detroit up the Thames as far as Delaware, was given the second place as commandant of the regulars. Six of the largest vessels of the Lake Erie squadron, mounting sixty guns and manned by more than five hundred seamen and marines under Commodore Sin- clair, provided with launches for landing artillery, were detailed to convey these troops to their destination. Sinclair sailed from Detroit on the 3rd of July but did not succeed in entering Lake Huron until the 12th, when he shaped his course for Machedash Bay where he had been informed that the British had established a depot of supplies and were building gunboats, but having no pilot familiar with those waters and being enveloped for several dajrs in a dense fog in a perfect maze of islets and sunken rocks, the attempt was abandoned and he steered for the Island of St. Joseph. Arrivii^ there on the 20th July, he learned that the military post had been abandoned a few weeks before and the garrison withdrawn to Mackinac. While his squadron lay windbound near this place, the Northwest Company's schooner Mink, on her way from Mackinac to Sault Ste. Marie, was intercepted and taken by its boats, which were then despatched to destroy the trading station at the latter place. This was accomplished without opposition, but much of the property deposited there had been removed before their arrival.
On July 26th the American squadron came in sight of Mackinac Its presence in the lake had been known to the garrison for some time, and every possible precaution had been taken in anticipation of an attack. A strong redoubt had been completed on the summit of the diff overlooking the former works which so greatly increased their strength that McDouall considered his position one of the strongest in Canada. **We are in a very fine state of defence here," he wrote "the garrison and Indians are in the highest spirits and all ready for the attack of the enemy. We apprehend nothing for the island but from want of provisions.**
The Nancy had already made two successful trips to the Nottawa- saga and sailed again for that place a few days before. A message to her commander, warning him of the appearance of- the American squad- ron oflf Mackinac and advising him to take his vessel as far up the river
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as possible and remain there until the blockade of the island was at an end, was entrusted to Lieutenant Bobert Livingston, a daring and adven- turous oflScer of the Indian Department, who volunteered to deliver it. After serving for several years as a midshipman in the Royal Navy, Livingston obtained a commission in the Royal Canadian Volunteers, which he retained until the disbandment of that corps at the peace of Amiens. He then became a fur trader and was living at St. Joseph's when the war began. Having raised a company of volunteers, he was ap- pointed adjutant of the battalion organized for the capture of Mackinac, in July, 1812. Being despatched to Detroit in charge of the prisoners, he was detained by the enemy but soon effected his escape. Two days later, he was wounded and taken prisoner in a skirmish, again recover- ing his liberty at the surrender of Detroit. After receiving his com- mission in the Lidian Department, he was frequently employed in con- veying important despatches owing to his intimate knowledge of the country, and in this service travelled a distance of 8,890 miles, mainly by canoe or on snow shoes. In the summer of 1813, Livingston assem- bled a body of Indians on the north shore of Lake Huron, whom he con- ducted to Niagara to assist in the investment of Fort Qeorge. In a skirmish near the Four Mile Creek, on the 17th of August, he received four severe wounds and was again taken prisoner, but on the night of the 19th October, he escaped from Fort Niagara and secreted himself in the woods until he found means to cross the river, subsisting for seven days on acorns only. He had acted as pilot for McDouall's force during its voyage to Mackinac and conducted the Nancy to the Not- tawasaga on her first trip. Although two of his wounds were still unhealed, his zeal and energy seemed unimpaired and he eagerly under- took this difScult and important mission.
Foul weather prevented the American vessels from approaching the shore for several days, but on August 1st a party of soldiers was landed on Round Island where they had a skirmish with some Indians. After carefully reconnoitering the harbour and the vicinity of the forts, Croghan decided to adopt the advice of former residents of the island who accompanied him as guides and attempt a landing on its western coast where there was a break in the difls and his largest ships cotdd anchor within three hundred yards of the shore. From this place, how- ever, he would be compelled to advance for nearly two miles through dense woods before reaching an open space where a favorable i>08ition existed for assailing the works "by gradual and slow approaches*' under cover of his artillery which he knew to be superior in range and weight of metal. Nearly a thousand men, including a body of marines.
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were aeoordin^y Imnded cm the nuffmng of Ajogoat 41k nd began thrir mareh acrosB tiie isUnd.
MeDoamll pronq>tly advanoed to meet them with one hundred and forty men of the Boyal Newf oondland Befiment and Miehigan FeneiUea and about one hundred and fifty Indiana, mostly of the FoUea Avoinea or Menomonee tribe fnnn the Wiseonain River, whom he eonaidered the brayeat and beat Seating men <tf any at hia diapoaaL With this foroe he oecnpied an excellent poaition in which hia men were hidden among tidefceta and underwood <m the edge of a amall clearing acroes which the mnat paas in their adyanoe, yet it could easily be turned as there patha leading around either flank idiich he had not force enou|^ to guard. When the enemy came in sight, he opened fire upon them from two fidd guns, without effect except to check their advance and cause them to attempt a movement around the clearing in the direction of hia left flank. But the battalion of regular troc^ which undertook thia flank march was suddenly nssiilfid by a party of Menomoneea from an ambush among the thicketa. Their first fire killed Mftjor Holmes and severdy wounded Captain Desha, next in command. Two other offi- cers, Captain Van Home of the 19th and lieutenant Jackson of the 24th Infantry, were mortally wounded and their men instantly fell into great confusion. A field piece was Utnii^t up, but the fire of their unseen foes was so effective and the diaorder became so great that Croghan soon decided to retire to his shipping to avoid a worse disaster, leaving behind him two wounded men and the bodies of Major Holmea and others of thedead.
Captain Sindair stated that '4t was soon found that the further tbe troopa advanced, the stronger the enemy became and the weaker and more bewildered our foroe were; aeveral of the commanding officers were pidced out and killed or wounded without seeing any of the enemy. The men were getting lost and falling into confusion natural under such dreumstancea, which demanded an immediate retreat or total defeat and a general massacre must have ensued."
In all three ofllcers and fifteen men were killed and one officer and fif^-eigltt men wounded, while McDouall's foroe was so well concealed ^at he had not a single man hurt.
Sinclair had learned from a prisoner taken in the Mink that re- inforcements and supplies had arrived at Mackinac from the Not- tiiwiaacn Biver and that the Naney had lately been deapatohed thither for more. By destroying her and blockading the river he hoped to ntrieve his defeat and ultimately compd the garrison to surrender for want of provisions, and also prevent the Northwest Company from receiving any further supplies.
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About the middle of July, Lieutenant ililler Worsley, of the Boyal Navy, with a small detachment of seamen, had arrived at the mouth of the Nottawasaga, where he awaited the appearanee of the Nanc^ for more than a week, sufFering much discomfort from bad weather and swarms of mosquitoes. On her arrival, the schooner was loaded with three hundred barrels of provisions and a quantity of much-needed military stores, and on August 1st, she again set sail for Mackinac. Before she entered the lake, Livingston met her with McDouall's instructions, and Worsley at once turned back. The Nancy was towed up the river about two miles to a place where she was hidden from view from the bay by intervening sandhills and the construction of a log blockhouse for her protection on a commanding position on the right bank was begun. Information of her perilous situation was sent to Lieutenant-G^ieral Drummond, who was then besieging Fort Erie, and he promptly gave orders for the assembly of a body of militia and Indians for her defence. But on the 13th of August, before these instructions could be fuUy car- ried into efiFect, part of the American squadron, consisting of the brig Niagara and the schooners Scorpion and Tigress, made their appearance in Nottawasaga Bay, having on board a detachment of artillery with sev- eral field guns and three companies of regular infantry under the com- mand of Lieutenant-Colonel Croghan.
Lieutenant Livingston, who had returned that morning from York with despatches, was at once employed in assembling the neighboring Indians, but only succeeded in mustering twenty-three. Worsley had under his command Midshipman Dobson and twetity-one seamen of the Royal Navy and nine French Canadian boatmen. Three guns had been mounted in the blockhouse, two of which were twenty-four pounder carronades, taken from boats lying in the river, and the other was a six pounder field piece. With such inadequate means Worsley gallantly undertook to offer the stoutest resistance possible. Late in the after- noon, Croghan landed his troops on the narrow peninsula separating the lower reach of the river from the bay, and while exploring it for the purpose of selecting a suitable place for encamping, he discovered the Nancy lying on the opposite side of the stream dose under the guns of the blockhouse. Next morning Sinclair anchored all his vessels near the shore within easy range and opened fire with little effect, as both vessels and blockhouse were screened from view by the sandhills, sur- moimted by a thin belt of trees and bushes. About noon, however, two howitzers were landed and placed in a favorable position within a few hundred yards. Their fire speedily became so damaging that Worsley determined to destroy the schooner and retire into the woods. The guns
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had aeoordingly been spiked and a train of powder laid to the Nancy iriien a well directed shell burst inside the blockhouse, setting fire to a quantity of combustible material near the magazine which soon blew up, communicating the flames to the schooner which was entirely destroyed with her valuable cargo still on board. Worsley had defended himself "very handsomely," as Sinclair said, but lost only one man killed and another severely wounded. The Indians continued to, fire for some time from the edge of the woods and no pursuit was attempted. Eyentoally Sinclair sent a party of men across the Nottawasaga in boats who brought off the guns from the smoulding ruins of the block- house and took away a batteaux which had escaped destruction, after ^diich they endeavored to obstruct the river by felling trees across it. On the following day Sinclair sailed for Lake Erie in the Niagara, leaving Lieutenant Turner in command of the Scorpion and Tigren, with instructions to maintain a rigid blockade until ''driven from the lake by the inclemency of the season, suffering not a boat or canoe to pass in or out of this river," but authorizing him at the same time to detach the Tigress to cruise for a week or two at a time in the vicinity of St. Joseph's to intercept fur canoes psssing between Sault Ste. Marie and French River. Twenty-five picked men from the 17th United States Infantry were detailed to serve on these vessds as marines, and the Scorpion was provided with a boarding netting as a protection against a night attack by small boats.
''Against attacks of this kind, which he might be driven to by his desperate situation, as this blockade must starve him into a surrender, I must particularly caution you," Sinclair said in his instructions. "If we can keep their boats from passing until October, I think the bad weather will effectually cut off all communication by anything they have on float, uid in the spring an early blockade will possess us of Mackinac."
A brigade of boats from Montreal, by way of French Biver, under Ci^tain J. M. Lamotte, laden with supplies for Mackinac, received timely warning of their presence before entering Lake Huron and turned back to a place of safety.
Upwards of a hundred barrels of provisions still remained in a store-house several miles up the Nottawasaga which the enemy had not discovered, and two batteaux and Livingston's large canoe had escaped deatmctimi. In these circumstances Worsley determined to elude the blockading vessels. The obstructions were quietly removed from the river, seventy barrels of provisions were taken on bosrd, and on the night of the ISA, he entered the bay without being observed. Six days
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later, when within a few miles of St. Joseph's, after rowing three hun- dred and sixty miles along the north shore of the lake, he was greatly surprised to discover both the schooners which he had seen in Nottawa- saga Bay a week before, cruising among the islands ahead. As it would be scarcely possible to pass them unobserved, with his heavily-loaded boats in the narrow channel known as the Detour which they were evi- dently watching, he turned back and concealed them in a secluded bay. His whole party of twenty-five persons then embarked in Livingston's canoe on the night of August 29th, and after passing one of these vessels within a hundred yards in the darkness, arrived at Mackinac at sunset on September 1st.
Worsley lost no time after reaching the island in soliciting per- mission to lead an attack on the two schooners which were lying about fifteen miles apart when last seen by him. Next day four large row- boats were equipped for this enterprise. One of these, armed wiA a six pounder, was manned by Midshipman Dobson, a gunner's mate and seventeen seamen of the Boyal Navy, under Worsley himself. The other three were maimed by a picked detachment of two sergeants, six corporals and fifty privates of the Royal Newfoundland Regiment, com- manded by Lieutenants Bulger, Armstrong, and Radenhurst. Bulger's boat was armed wiih a three-pounder in charge of a bombardier and a gunner of the Royal Artillery. As it was reported that the blockading vessels were accompanied by a body of Indians, whom they had induced to co-operate with them, about two hundred warriors were also embarked in nineteen canoes, under the orders of Dickson and four ofScers of his department. The expedition left Mackinac that evening, and at sunset on the 2nd of September, arrived at the Detour, thirty-six miles distant, where they expected to find one of the schooners. The men were landed on the island and the boats concealed in a secluded bay. Early next morning Worsley and Livingston went out in a canoe to reconnoitre and soon discovered one of the schooners at anchor about six miles away. It was thought prudent to defer the attack until night when they could approach her unseen. At six o'clock the whole force was re-em- barked and rowed as quietly as possible towards the enemy. When about three miles from the schooner the Indians were directed to remain behind and await further orders, but Dickson and three of their principal chiefs were taken on board the boats, making a total of ninety-two of all ranks. The night was very dark and still. About